St. Thomas Christians聖托馬斯基督徒

Catholic Information 天主教信息

An ancient body of Christians on the east and west coasts of India, claiming spiritual descent from the Apostle St. Thomas.古體基督徒在印度東部和西部海岸,聲稱精神後裔,從使徒聖托馬斯。 The subject will be treated under the following heads:的主題將被視為按以下項目:

I. Their early traditions and their connection with the Apostle St. Thomas一,早期的傳統和他們涉嫌與使徒聖托馬斯

II. II。 The Apostle's tomb at Mylapur使徒的墓Mylapur,

III. III。 This upheld by the Edessan Church堅持的Edessan教會

IV. IV。 For their earliest period they possess no written but a traditional history其最早的時期,他們所擁有的任何書面,但傳統的歷史

V. Record of these traditions embodied in a manuscript Statement dated 1604五,記錄這些傳統體現在聲明稿日期為1604

VI. VI。 The Syrian merchant Thomas Cana arrives in Malabar, an important event in their history and the social benefits therefrom敘利亞商人托馬斯拿抵馬拉巴爾,在他們的歷史和社會從中獲益的一個重要事件

VII. VII。 The arrival also of two pious brothers, church-builders兩個虔誠的兄弟,教會建設者的到來,也

VIII. VIII。 Ancient stone crosses and their inscriptions古老的石十字架和題字

IX. IX。 Their early prelates他們早期的主教

X. Were these Christians infected with Nestorianism before 1599?十,分別為這些基督徒感染景教前1599?

XI. XI。 Medieval travellers on the Thomas Christians中世紀旅客對托馬斯基督徒

XII. XII。 Their two last Syrian bishops他們的最後兩個敘利亞主教

XIII. XIII。 Archbishop Menezes and the Synod of Diamper大主教梅尼士和主教的Diamper

XIV. XIV。 Their first three Jesuit bishops首三個耶穌會主教

XV. XV。 The Carmelite Period該carmelite期

XVI. XVI。 Two Latin Vicars Apostolic兩拉丁語vicars使徒

XVII. XVII。 Divided into three vicariates with native bishops分為三個代牧區原生主教

I. Their early traditions and their connection with the Apostle St. Thomas Interest in the history of these Christians arises from more than one feature.一,早期的傳統和與使徒聖托馬斯權益的歷史,這些基督徒來自多個功能。 Their ancient descent at once attracts attention.他們的古老傳統,在一次引起人們的注意。 Theophilus (surnamed the Indian) -- an Arian, sent by Emperor Constantius (about 354) on a mission to Arabia Felix and Abyssinia -- is one of the earliest, if not the first, who draws our attention to them.西奧菲勒斯(姓,印度) - 的阿里安皇帝君(約354),發送到阿拉伯菲利克斯和阿比西尼亞的使命 - 是最早的一個,如果不是第一次,引起了我們的注意。 He had been sent when very young a hostage a Divoeis, by the inhabitants of the Maldives, to the Romans in the reign of Constantine the Great.他被送到時,很年輕的人質一個Divoei​​s,在馬爾代夫的居民,在君士坦丁大帝統治時期的羅馬人。 His travels are recorded by Philostorgius, an Arian Greek Church historian, who relates that Theophilus, after fulfilling his mission to the Homerites, sailed to his island home.他的旅行記錄的Philostorgius,阿里安希臘教會史學家,涉及西奧菲勒斯,後履行他的使命的Homerites,駛往他的島居。 Thence he visited other parts of India, reforming many things -- for the Christians of the place heard the reading of the Gospel in a sitting, etc. This reference to a body of Christians with church, priest, liturgy, in the immediate vicinity of the Maldives, can only apply to a Christian Church and faithful on the adjacent coast of India, and not to Ceylon, which was well known even then under its own designation, Taprobane.從那裡,他參觀了印度其他地區,改革很多事情 - 為基督徒的地方,在會議中聽到讀福音,等這個參考的基督徒與教會,牧師,禮儀於一體的,在附近的馬爾代夫,只能適用於一個基督教教會和教友們在鄰近的印度海岸,而不是錫蘭去的,這是眾所周知,甚至然後在其自己的名稱,塔普羅巴奈。 The people referred to were the Christians known as a body who had their liturgy in the Syriac language and inhabited the west coast of India, ie Malabar.人所提及的基督徒作為一個團體,他們的禮儀在古敘利亞語和居住在印度西岸,即馬拉巴爾。 This Church is next mentioned and located by Cosmas Indicopleustes (about 535) "in Male (Malabar) where the pepper grows"; and he adds that the Christians of Ceylon, whom he specifies as Persians, and "those of Malabar" (the latter he leaves unspecified, so they must have been natives of the country) had a bishop residing at Caliana (Kalyan), ordained in Persia, and one likewise on the island of Socotra.這座教堂是未來所提及位於的科斯馬斯indicopleustes(約535)“錫蘭的基督徒,他指定為波斯人,和”馬拉巴爾“(後者在男性(馬拉巴爾),其中辣椒生長”;他補充說,他離開指定的,所以他們一定是當地人的國家),一個主教居住Caliana(卡爾揚),受戒,在波斯,和一個同樣在索科​​特拉島。

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II. II。 The Apostle's tomb at Mylapur使徒的墓Mylapur,

St. Gregory of Tours (Glor. Mart.), before 590, reports that Theodore, a pilgrim who had gone to Gaul, told him that in that part of India where the corpus (bones) of Thomas the Apostle had first rested (Mylapur on the east or the Coromandel Coast of India) there stood a monastery and a church of striking dimensions and elaboratedly adorned, adding: "After a long interval of time these remains had been removed thence to the city of Edessa."聖格雷戈里的旅遊(Glor.沃爾瑪)。,在590之前,西奧多,朝聖者誰去了高盧,告訴他在印度的那部分語料庫(骨頭)的托馬斯使徒首次休息(Mylapur東印度科羅曼德爾海岸)站在一座修道院和教堂的驚人尺寸和elaboratedly裝飾的,補充說:“經過了漫長的時間間隔,因此這些遺骸已被刪除埃德薩的城市。” The location of the first tomb of the Apostle in India is proof both of his martyrdom and of its Apostolate in India.他的犧牲和其在印度的傳教的使徒在印度的第一個墓的位置就是明證。 The evidence of Theodore is that of an eyewitness who had visited both tombs -- the first in India, while the second was at Edessa.西奧多的證據是誰訪問了這兩個墓葬 - 在印度的第一個,第二個是在埃德薩的目擊者。 The primitive Christians, therefore, found on both coasts, east and west, witness to and locate the tomb at Mylapur, "St. Thomas", a little to the south of Madras; no other place in India lays any claim to possess the tomb, nor does any other country.原始基督教徒,因此,發現在東西兩岸,東,西,見證和定位墓Mylapur“聖托馬斯”,小到南部的馬德拉斯,印度沒有其他地方規定,任何聲稱擁有的墳墓,也沒有任何其他國家。 On these facts is based their claim to be known as St. Thomas Christians.基於這些事實,是基於他們的要求被稱為聖托馬斯基督徒。

III. III。 This upheld by the Edessan Church堅持的Edessan教會

Further proof may be adduced to justify this claim.可提出進一步的證據來證明這種說法。 A Syrian ecclesiastical calender of an early date confirms the above.敘利亞的教會日曆早日印證了上述。 In the quotation given below two points are to be noted which support its antiquity -- the fact of the name given to Edessa and the fact the memory of the translation of the Apostle's relics was so fresh to the writer that the name of the individual who had brought them was yet remembered.在報價單中要注意以下兩點支持它的古老 - 給埃德薩的名稱和內存的翻譯使徒的文物的事實是如此新鮮的作家的個人姓名,帶來了他們還記得。 The entry reads: "3 July, St. Thomas who was pierced with a lance in India. His body is at Urhai [the ancient name of Edessa] having been brought there by the merchant Khabin. A great festival."該條目寫道:“:聖托馬斯7月3日被刺穿的噴槍在印度。,他的的身體在Urhai [古名的edessa]被帶到那裡,由商家Khabin。一個偉大的節日。” It is only natural to expect that we should receive from Edessa first-hand evidence of the removal of the relics to that city; and we are not disappointed, for St. Ephraem, the great doctor of the Syrian Church, has left us ample details in his writings.這是很自然的期望,我們應該接受從的埃德薩第一第一手證據的搬遷到該城市的文物,我們並不失望,因為聖ephraem的敘利亞教會,偉大的醫生,給我們留下了足夠的細節在他的著作。 Ephraem came to Edessa on the surrender of Nisibis to the Persians, and he lived there from 363 to 373, when he died.著作Ephraem來埃德薩投降的尼西比斯的波斯人,和他住在這裡,從363到373,當他死了。 This proof is found mostly in his rhythmical compositions.這證明,多見於他的節奏感的作品。 In the forty-second of his "Carmina Nisibina" he tells us the Apostle was put to death in India, and that his remains were subsequently buried in Edessa, brought there by a merchant.他告訴我們,在他的的“布蘭Nisibina”第四十二使徒死亡,在印度,他的遺體隨後被埋葬在埃德薩,由商家。 But his name is never given; at that date the name had dropped out of popular memory.但他的名字從未放棄在該日起的名字已經退出了流行的記憶。 The same is repeated in varying form in several of his hymns edited by Lamy (Ephr. Hymni et Sermones, IV).同樣是在幾個不同的形式在他的讚美詩編輯拉米(Ephr. Hymni等Sermones,IV)重複。 "It was to a land of dark people he was sent, to clothe them by Baptism in white robes. His grateful dawn dispelled India's painful darkness. It was his mission to espouse India to the One-Begotten. The merchant is blessed for having so great a treasure. Edessa thus became the blessed city by possessing the greatest pearl India could yield. Thomas works miracles in India, and at Edessa Thomas is destined to baptize peoples perverse and steeped in darkness, and that in the land of India." “這是一個黑暗的人,他被送往的土地,以衣食他們的白色長袍的洗禮。他感謝曙光打消印度的痛苦黑暗。這是他的使命,以擁護印度的一個,獨生子。商人的祝福有這麼巨大的寶藏。埃德薩因此成為有福的城市,擁有最大的珍珠印度可能會產生托馬斯工程奇蹟在印度,並在edessa托馬斯是注定要施洗人民有害的,沉浸在黑暗中,而且在印度的土地。“

IV. IV。 For their earliest period they possess no written but a traditional history其最早的時期,他們所擁有的任何書面,但傳統的歷史

These Christians have no written records of the incidents of their social life from the time of their conversion down to the arrival of the Portuguese on the coast, just as India had no history until the arrival of the Mohammedans.這些基督徒沒有書面記錄的事件,他們的社會生活,從他們的轉換時間抵達葡萄牙的海岸上,正如印度沒有歷史,直到伊斯蘭教的到來。

V. Record of these traditions embodied in a manuscript Statement dated 1604五,記錄這些傳統體現在聲明稿日期為1604

Fortunately the British Museum has a large collection consisting of several folio volumes containing manuscripts, letters, reports, etc., of Jesuit missions in India and elsewhere; among these in additional volume 9853, beginning with the leaf 86 in pencil and 525 in ink, there is a "Report" on the "Serra" (the name by which the Portuguese designated Malabar), written in Portuguese by a Jesuit missionary, bearing the date 1604 but not signed by the writer; there is evidence that this "Report" was known to F. de Souza, author of the "Oriente Conquistado", and utilized by him.幸運的是,大英博物館有一個大的集合,它由幾個頁碼卷手稿,信件,報告,等等,在印度和其他地方的基督教傳教士,在這些額外的容量9853開始,在墨葉86鉛筆和525,有一個“報告”,“塞拉”(其中葡萄牙語指定馬拉巴爾),寫在葡萄牙的傳教士,註明日期1604但沒有簽名的作家,有證據表明,這個“報告” F.德索薩,作者的的“東方Conquistado”,並利用他。 The writer has carefully put together the traditional record of these Christians; the document is yet unpublished, hence its importance.筆者小心翼翼地把這些基督徒傳統的唱片,該文件是尚未發表,因此它的重要性。 Extracts from the same, covering what can be said of the early part of this history, will offer the best guarantee that can be offered.提取物覆蓋相同,可以說是這段歷史的早期部分,提供了最好的保證,可以提供。 The writer of the "Report" distinctly informs us that these Christians had no written records of ancient history, but relied entirely on traditions handed down by their elders, and to these they were most tenaciously attached.作家的“報告”清楚地告訴我們,這些基督徒有沒有文字記載的古代歷史,但完全依賴他們的長輩流傳下來的傳統,他們最頑強的連接。

Of their earliest period tradition records that after the death of the Apostle his disciples remained faithful for a long time, the Faith was propagated with great zeal, and the Church increased considerably.其最早的時期的傳統很長一段時間的使徒去世後,他的弟子們仍然忠實記錄,信仰的傳播以極大的熱情,並的教會大幅增加。 But later, wars and famine supervening, the St. Thomas Christians of Mylapur got scattered and sought refuge elsewhere, and many of them returned to paganism.但後​​來,戰爭和飢荒意外,聖托馬斯基督徒Mylapur得到了分散和尋求庇護的其他地方,其中許多人回到異教。 The Christians, however, who were on the Cochin side, fared better than the former, spreading from Coulac (Quilon) to Palur (Paleur), a village in the north of Malabar.的基督徒,但是,​​誰是科欽方面,表現優於前者,蔓延(奎隆)Coulac帕盧爾(Paleur),一個村莊在北部的馬拉巴。 These had fared better, as they lived under native princes who rarely interfered with their Faith, and they probably never suffered real persecution such as befell their brethren on the other coast; besides, one of the paramount rajahs of Malabar, Cheruman Perumal, had conferred on them a civil status.這些已經混得更好,因為他們生活在本地的王子,很少干涉他們的信仰,他們可能永遠不會出現真正的迫害,如遭此他們的弟兄在其他海岸之外,一個最重要的印度王爺的馬拉巴爾,Cheruman Perumal,賦予對他們的公民地位。 The common tradition in the country holds that from the time of the Apostle seven churches were erected in different parts of the country, besides the one which the Apostle himself had erected at Mylapur.在國內常見的傳統認為,從七個教會的使徒被豎立在不同的國家,除了其中,使徒保羅本人曾豎立在Mylapur。 This tradition is most tenaciously held and is confirmed by the "Report".這個傳統是最頑強舉行,並證實了“報告”。

It further asserts that the Apostle Thomas, after preaching to the inhabitants of the Island of Socotra and establishing there a Christian community, had come over to Malabar and landed at the ancient port of Cranganore.進一步斷言,使徒托馬斯,傳福音的索科特拉島的居民和在那裡建立一個基督教社區,過來馬拉巴爾並降落在古老的港口的cranganore。 They hold that after preaching in Malabar the Apostle went over to Mylapur on the Coromandel Coast; this is practicable through any of the many paths across the dividing mountain ranges which were well known and much frequented in olden times.他們認為,後在馬拉巴爾使徒的說教去了Mylapur的科羅曼德爾海岸,,通過跨分割的山脈是眾所周知的和經常出沒於古代的許多路徑,這是可行的。 The Socotrians had yet retained their Faith when in 1542 St. Francis visited them on his way to India.該Socotrians還保留了自己的信念,在1542年時,聖弗朗西斯參觀了他們在去印度。 In a letter of 18 September of the same year, addressed to the Society at Rome, he has left an interesting account of the degenerate state of the Christians he found there, who were Nestorians.同年9月18日的信中,協會在羅馬,他已經離開了一個有趣的帳戶的退化狀態的基督徒,他發現那裡,誰是景教。 He also tells us they render special honours to the Apostle St. Thomas, claiming to be descendants of the Christians begotten to Jesus Christ by that Apostle.他還告訴我們,他們提供特殊的榮譽,以使徒聖托馬斯,自稱是基督徒的獨生子耶穌基督,使徒的後裔。

By 1680 when the Carmelite Vincenzo Maria di Santa Catarina landed there he found Christanity quite extinct, only faint traces yet lingering. 1680時的迦文森佐瑪麗亞二聖卡塔琳娜州登陸,在那裡,他發現Christanity相當滅絕,但揮之不去的只有淡淡的痕跡。 The extinction of this primitive Christanity is due to the oppression of the Arabs, who now form the main population of the island, and to the scandelous neglect of the Nestorian Patriarchs who in former times were wont to supply the bishop and clergy for the island.滅絕這種原始的Christanity是由於壓迫的阿拉伯人,形成了現在的主要人口的島嶼,景教始祖從前習以為常的島嶼提供的主教和神職人員的scandelous忽視的。 When St. Francis visited the island a Nestorian priest was still in charge.當聖弗朗西斯參觀了海島景教教士仍負責。

VI. VI。 The Syrian merchant Thomas Cana arrives in Malabar敘利亞商人托馬斯拿抵馬拉巴爾

There is one incident of the long period of isolation of the St. Thomas Christians from the rest of the Christian world which they are never tired of relating, and it is one of considerable importance to them for the civil status it conferred and secured to them in the country.有一個長週期的其餘部分隔離的聖托馬斯基督徒的基督教世界,他們永遠不會厭倦的有關事件,這是一個相當重視他們的公民身份授予和固定在該國。 This is the narrative of the arrival of a Syrian merchant on their shores, a certain Mar Thoma Cana -- the Portuguese have named him Cananeo and styled him an Armenian, which he was not.這是敘事的敘利亞商人在他們的海岸,有一定的月托馬塔卡納的到來 - 葡萄牙人已經給他取名為Cananeo和風格,他的亞美尼亞人,而他不是。 He arrived by ship on the coast and entered the port of Cranganore.他來到船在海岸和進入港口的cranganore。 The King of Malabar, Cheruman Perumal, was in the vicinity, and receiving information of his arrival sent for him and admitted him to his presence.馬拉巴爾的國王,Cheruman Perumal,是在附近,並接受他的到來為他發送信息,並承認他到他的存在。 Thomas was a wealthy merchant who had probably come to trade; the King took a liking to this man, and when he expressed a wish to acquire land and make a settlement the King readily acceded to his request and let him purchase land, then unoccupied, at Cranganore.托馬斯是一位富有的商人,誰可能來貿易的國王了喜歡這名男子時,他表示希望取得土地,並進行結算,國王欣然答應了他的請求,讓他購買土地,然後空置,在Cranganore。 Under the king's orders Thomas soon collected a number of Christians from the surrounding country, which enabled him to start a town on the ground marked out for his occupation.根據國王的命令,托馬斯很快收集了一些基督徒,從周邊國家,這使他開始的一個小鎮,在地面上標示出他的職業。

He is said to have collected seventy-two Christian families (this is the traditional number always mentioned ) and to have installed them in as many separate houses erected for them; attach to each dwelling was a sufficient piece of land for vegetable cultivation for the support of the family as is the custom of the country.他說已經收集了72基督徒家庭(這是傳統的一些經常提到),他們已經安裝了許多獨立的屋宇連接到每個住宅有足夠的土地種植蔬菜的支持以家庭為自定義的國家。 He also erected a dwelling for himself and eventually a church.他還豎起了自己的住處,並最終教會。 The authorization to possess the land and dwellings erected was granted to Thomas by a deed of paramount Lord and Rajah of Malabar, Cheruman Perumal, said to have been the last of the line, the country having been subsequently divided among his feudatories.建的授權,擁有的土地和房屋被授予托馬斯由契約最重要的主,惹的馬拉巴爾,Cheruman Perumal說,該行已經過去,該國隨後被分在他的三藩。 (The details given above as well as what follows of the copper plate grant are taken from the "Report".) The same accord also speak of several privileges and honours by the king to Thomas himself, his descendants, and to the Thomas Christians, by which the latter community obtained status above the lower classes, and which made them equal to the Nayars, the middle class in the country. (上面給出的詳細信息,以及以下的銅板補助金從“報告”)。相同的協議也講幾個特權和榮譽,由國王托馬斯本人,他的後人,和托馬斯基督徒, ,後者獲得的狀態下層階級以上,這使他們平等的Nayars,在該國的中產階層。

The deed read as follows:契據內容如下:

May Cocurangon [personal name of the king] be prosperous, enjoy a long life and live 100,000 years, divine servant of the gods, strong, true, just, full of deeds, reasonable, powerful over the whole earth, happy,conquering, glorious, rightly prosperous in the service of the gods, in Malabar, in the city of the Mahadeva [the great idol of the temple in the vicinity of Cranganore] reigning in the year of Mercury on the seventh day [Portuguese text: elle no tepo de Mercurio de feu to no dia, etc.] of the mouth of March before the full moon the same king Cocurangon being in Carnallur there landed Thomas Cana, a chief man who arrived in a ship wishing to see the farthest parts of the East.五月Cocurangon [個人名王繁榮,有著悠久的生命和生活10萬年,神的僕人,神,強,真實,公正,合理,功能強大,在整個地球的,快樂的,無堅不摧的,光榮的事蹟, ,正確地繁榮服務的神,在馬拉巴爾,在城市的Mahadeva [大偶像的cranganore]在今年的水星統治的第七天[葡文文本附近的寺廟:ELLE沒有TEPO的默丘里奧DE FEU沒有直徑等3口的滿月之前相同的國王Cocurangon在Carnallur有降落托馬斯拿,行政男子抵達船舶希望看到的最遠的東部部分地區。 And some men seeing how he arrived informed the king.有些男人看到他是如何到達通知國王。 The king himself came and saw and sent for the chief man Thomas, and he disembarked and came before the king, who spoke graciously to him.國王親自來了,看到的和發送的首席男子托馬斯,和他下船,來到王面前,親切地對他說。

To honour him he gave him his name, styling him Cocurangon Cana, and he went to rest in his place, and the king gave him the city of Mogoderpatanam, (Cranganore) for ever.要尊重他給他他的名字,他的風格Cocurangon塔卡納,他在他的地方去休息,國王給了他的的Mogoderpatanam市(Cranganore)永遠。 And the same king being in his great prosperity went one day to hunt in the forest, and he hastily sent for Thomas, who came and stood before the king in a propitious hour, and the king consulted the astrologer.相同的國王,在他的偉大的繁榮了有一天在森林裡打獵,和他匆匆送往托馬斯,誰在吉利的時刻來了,站在王前,和國王徵詢占星家。 And afterwards the king spoke to Thomas that he should build a town in that forest, and he made reverence and answered the king: I require this forest for myself', and the king granted it to him for ever.事後王說話托馬斯,他應該建立一個城市,森林,和他的崇敬和對王說:我需要為自己的這片森林,和國王授予給他,直到永遠。

And forthwith another day he cleared the forest and he cast his eyes upon it in the same year on the eleventh of April, and in a propetious time gave it to Thomas for a heritage in the name of the king, who laid the first stone of the church and the house of Thomas Cana, and he built there a town for all, and entered the church and prayed there on the same day.隨即又一天,他清除了森林,他在同年4月第十一屆蒙上他的眼睛,和在一個propetious的時間內把它給了托馬斯為遺產之王的名義,奠定了第一塊石頭的托馬斯拿的教堂和房子,和他建有一個鎮,進入教堂,並在同一天祈禱。 After these things Thomas himself went to the feet of the king and offered his gifts, and this he asked the king to give that land to him and his descendants;這事以後,托馬斯自己去腳的國王,並提出了自己的禮物,而這一點,他要求國王給予的土地,他和他的後裔;

and he measured out two hundred and sixty-four elephant cubits and gave them to Thomas and his descendants for ever, and jointly sixty-two houses which immediately erected there, and gardens with their enclosures and paths and boundaries and inner yards.他測出264大象肘,給他們以托馬斯和他的後裔,直到永遠,聯合62間房屋,立即豎在那裡,和花園,其外殼和路徑,邊界和內碼。 And he granted seven kinds of musical instruments and all honours and the right of travelling in a palanquin, and he conferred on him dignity and the privilege of spreading carpets on the ground and the use of sandals, and to erect a pavilion at his gate and ride on elephants, and also granted five taxes to Thomas and his companions, both men and women, for all his relations and to the followers of his law for ever.他給予7種樂器,所有的榮譽和權利,乘坐一頂轎子,他賦予他的尊嚴和特權的蔓延地毯上的地面和使用涼鞋,並豎立了一座亭子,在他的門,騎大象,還授予五稅托馬斯和他的同伴們,不論男性和女性,他的所有關係和他的法律的追隨者,直到永遠。 The said king gave his name and these princes witnessed it...說,國王給了他的名字和這些王子目睹它...

Then follow the names of eight witnesses, and a note is added by the Portuguese translator that this is the document by which the Emperor of all Malabar gave the land of Cranganore to Thomas Cana and also to Christians of St. Thomas.然後按照八個證人的名字,並添加一個音符的葡萄牙語翻譯的文件,這是皇帝的所有馬拉巴爾了土地的cranganore向托馬斯拿,也對基督徒的聖托馬斯。 This document, transcribed from the manuscript "Report", has been carefully translated into English, as it forms the "Great Charter" of the St. Thomas Christians.這份文件,從“報告”的手稿轉錄,經過精心翻譯成英文,因為它形成了“大憲章”的聖托馬斯基督徒。 The "Report" adds: "and because at that time they reckoned the era in cycles of twelve years according to the course, therefore they say in the Olla [Malayalam term for a document written on palm leaf] that the said settlement was founded in the year of the mercury... that mode of reckoning is totally forgotten, for the last seven hundred and seventy-nine years in all this Malabar time has been reckoned by the Quilon era. However, since the said Perumal, as we have said above, died more than a thousand and two hundred years, it follows: that same number of years have elapsed since the Church and Christians were established at Cranganore." “報告”說:“和,因為在那個時候,他們估摸著時代的週期十二年按課程,因此他們說,在厄拉馬拉雅拉姆語期限為棕葉上的書面文件,說是已成立於今年的汞,清算模式完全忘了,在過去的779年在這一切的馬拉巴爾時間一直忽視的奎隆時代。然而,由於上述Perumal,正如我們已經說過以上,超過一千二百名死亡,如下:同樣的時間已經過去了,因為教會和基督徒在Cranganore成立。“ The writer of the "Report" had previously stated "it is one thousand and two hundred and fifty and eight years since Perumal, as we have said above, died on the first of March".筆者以前的“報告”指出,“這是1002肘五十8年以來Perumal,正如我們上面所說的,死了3月的第一個”。 Deducing the date of the "Report" this would give AD 346 for his death.推導日的“報告”,這將給公元346他的死亡。 Diego de Couto (Decada XII), quoting the above grant in full, says that the Syrian Christians fix AD 811 as corresponding to the date borne on the grant; the first is far too early, and the second is an approximately probable date.聖地亞哥德·庫托(Decada XII),引用上述補助金全說,敘利亞基督徒修復AD 811對應於授出之日起承擔;第一個是遠得太早了,第二個是約可能的日期。 The "Report" informs us that the copper plates on which this deed or grant was inscribed were taken away to Portugal by Franciscan Fathers, who left behind a translation of the same. “報告”告訴我們,銅板被列入該契約或授出被帶走葡萄牙的聖方濟的父親,留下相同的翻譯。 It is known that the Syrian Bishop of Malabar, Mar Jacob, had deposited with the Factor of Cochin all the Syrian copper grants for safe custody; providing however that when necessary access could be had to the same.據了解,敘利亞主教馬拉巴爾年3月雅各,沉積的因素的科欽所有敘利亞銅贈款妥善保管;不過,必要時可以有相同的。 Gouvea at p. Gouvea在p。 4 of his "Jornada" says that after having remained there for some long time they could not be found and were lost through some carelessness; de Couto asserts the same in the passage quoted above and also elsewhere. 4他的“喬納達”說,仍然有一些很長一段時間後,他們可以不被發現,並通過一些不小心丟失,德·庫托稱,通過上面引述的其他地方也一樣。 In 1806 at the suggestion of Rev. Claude Buchanan, Colonel Macauly, the British resident, ordered a careful search for them and they turned up in the record room of Cochin town.在1806年的建議克勞德·布坎南牧師,Macauly上校,英國居民,為他們訂購了仔細的搜索,他們在檔案室的科欽鎮。 The tables then contained (1) the grant to Irani Cortton of Cranganore, and (2) the set of plates of the grant to Maruvan Sopi Iso of Quilon, but those of the grant to Thomas Cana were not among them; had they not been removed they would have been found with other plates; this confirms the statement of the writer of the "Report" that they had been taken to Portugal.表,那麼(1)授予的cranganore到伊拉尼Cortton的,和(2)設定板的補助,以Maruvan的索皮異的奎隆,但其中的補助,以托馬斯拿不,他們沒有刪除,他們將與其他板塊,這證實了聲明的“報告”稱,他們已經採取了對葡萄牙的作家。 From what is stated in the royal deed to Thomas Cana it may be taken for granted that the latter brought with him a small colony of Syrians from Mesopotamia, for the privileges conceded include his companions, both men and women, and all his relations.說明在皇家契約,以托馬斯拿,它可能會被視為是理所當然的,後者帶來了一個小殖民地的敘利亞人從美索不達米亞的特權承認包括他的同伴們,不論男女,和他的所有關係。

VII. VII。 The arrival also of two pious brothers, church-builders兩個虔誠的兄弟,教會建設者的到來,也

Besides the arrival of Thomas Cana and his colony, by which the early Christians benefited considerably, the "Report" also records the arrival on this coast of two individuals named Soper Iso and Prodho; they are said to have been brothers and are supposed to have been Syrians.除了到來托馬斯拿和他的殖民地,早期的基督徒在很大程度上受益,“報告”還記錄了這片海岸兩個名為索珀異和Prodho的個人的到來,他們說是兄弟,都應該有被敘利亞人。 The "Report" gives the following details; they came to possess a promonotory opposite Paliport on the north side, which is called Maliankara, and they entered the port with a large load of timber to build a church; and in the Chaldean books of this Serra there is no mention of them, except that they were brothers, came to Quilon, built a church there, and worked some miracles. “報告”給出了如下的細節;的北邊,這就是所謂Maliankara他們擁有了一個promonotory相反Paliport,,他們進入港口,大負荷的木材建造教堂和迦勒底書塞拉有沒有提到他們,但他們是兄弟,來到奎隆,在那裡建造了一座教堂,和工作一些奇蹟。 After death they were buried in the church they had erected; it is said that they had built other smaller churches in the country; they were regarded as pious men and were later called saints, their own church was eventually dedicated to them as well as others in the country.死亡後,他們被埋葬他們已豎立在教堂,它是說,他們已經建立了其他小教會在該國,他們被視為虔誠的人,後來被稱為聖徒,最終他們自己的教會奉獻給他們以及其他人在該國。 Archbishop Alexis Menezes afterwards changed the dedication of these churches to other saints in the Roman calender.大主教亞歷梅內塞斯其他聖人在羅馬壓延之後改變這些教會的奉獻精神。 There is one important item that the "Report" has preserved: "the said brothers built the church of Quilon in the hundredth year after the foundation of Quilon."有一個重要的項目,保留了“報告”:“兄弟建造的教堂在100年後的奎隆的基礎奎隆。” (This era commences from 25 August, AD 825, and the date will thus be AD 925). (這個時代開始,從8月25日,公元825,日期是公元925)。 The second of the aforesaid copper-plates mention Meruvan Sober Iso, one of the above brothers.上述銅板的第二個提到Meruvan清醒的ISO,上面的兄弟之一。 The "Report" also makes mention of pilgims coming from Mesopotamia to visit the shrine of the Apostle at Mylapur; some of these at times would settle there and others in Malabar. “報告”也提到pilgims來自美索不達米亞參拜靖國神社的使徒​​在Mylapur,這些有時會在那裡定居和其他人在馬拉巴​​爾。 It may be stated here that the Syrians of Malabar are as a body natives of the land by descent, and the Syriac trait in them is that of their liturgy, which is in the Syrian language.它可以說明的是,敘利亞馬拉巴爾是作為一個團體土著人的土地的血統,和他們是敘利亞的特徵,他們的禮儀,這是在敘利亞的語言。 They call themselves Syrians by way of distinction from other body of Christians on the coast, who belong to the Latin Rite.他們自稱是敘利亞人屬於拉丁禮拜的基督徒在海岸邊,從身體其他方式的區別。 The honorific appellation bestowed upon them by the rulers of the country is that of Mapla, which signifies great son or child, and they were commonly so called by the people; this appellation also have been given to the descendants of Arabs in the country; the St. Thomas Christians now prefer to be called Nasrani (Nazarenes), the designation given by the Mohammedans to all Christians.尊敬的稱謂賦予他們的統治者的國家,是的Mapla,這標誌著偉大的兒子或兒童,他們通常人們稱為這個稱謂也得到了阿拉伯人的後裔在該國;聖托馬斯基督徒現在寧願被稱為Nasrani(拿撒勒),指定由伊斯蘭教所有的基督徒。

VIII. VIII。 Ancient stone crosses and their inscriptions古老的石十字架和題字

There are certain stone crosses of ancient date in southern India, bearing inscriptions in Pahlavi letters.有一定的的石十字架在印度南部的古至今,軸承題字在巴列維字母。 Extraordinary legends have been spread about them in some parts of Europe; the present writer was shown an engraving purporting to reproduce one of them, with a legend of the Apostolate and martyrdom of St. Thomas, a reproduction of the inscription on his crosses.他們非凡的傳說一直流傳在歐洲某些地區,現在的作家,雕刻,旨在重現其中的一個,一個傳奇的使徒和殉教的聖托馬斯,再現他的十字架上的題字。 This was attached to the calender of one of the dioceses of France, and this writer was asked if it were authentic.這是壓延法國的教區之一,筆者問,如果它是真實的。

To prevent the spreading of such reports it may be useful to state here of these crosses one is in the Church of Mount St. Thomas, Mylapur, discovered in 1547 after the arrival of the Portuguese in India; other is in the church of Kottayam, Malabar.為了防止這樣的報導傳播,它可能是有用的,說明這些十字架,一個是在教會的聖托馬斯山,Mylapur,發現在1547年後的到來,葡萄牙在印度,另一種是在教堂的戈德亞姆,馬拉巴爾。 Both are of Nestorian origin, are engraved as a bas-relief on the flat stone with ornamental decorations around the cross, and bear an inscription.是景教的起源,周圍的交叉與觀賞裝飾的平石上都刻有一個淺浮雕,並承擔題詞。 The inscription has been variously read.碑文已被各種閱讀。 Dr. Burnell, an Indian antiquary, says that both crosses bear the same inscription, and offer the following reading: "In punishment by the cross was the suffering of this one, Who is the true Christ, God above and Guide ever pure."伯內爾博士,印度古董商,他說,這兩個十字架承擔相同的題詞,並提供閱讀:“在處罰的十字架上的痛苦,這其中,誰是真正的基督,上帝以上和引導以往任何時候都純。” These crosses bear some resemblance to the Syro-Chinese Nestorian monument discovered in 1625 at Singan-fu, an ancient capital of China but erected in 781 and commemorating the arrival in China of Chaldean Nestorian missionaries in 636.這些十字架承擔一些相似的syro中國景教碑發現於1625年在singan福,中國古都,,但是豎立在781和紀念的到來加爾丁景教傳教士在中國的636。

IX. IX。 Their early prelates他們早期的主教

Of the prelates who governed the Church in India after the Apostle's death very little is known; that little is collected and reproduced here.在印度管轄的教會使徒的死亡後,很少是已知的,這一點是在這裡收集和複製的主教。 John the Persian, who was present at the Council of Nice (325), is the first known to history claiming the title.約翰·波斯,是目前在安理會尼斯(325),是第一個已知的歷史聲稱的標題。 In his signature to the degrees of the Council he styles himself; John the Persian [presiding] over the churches in all Persia and Great India.在他的簽名會,他自稱的程度;約翰波斯語[主持]超過教會所有波斯和偉大的印度。 The designation implies that he was the [primate] Metropolitan of Persia and also the Bishop of Great India.指定暗示他是[靈長類動物大都會的波斯,也主教的偉大的印度。 As metropolitan and the chief bishop of the East he may have represented at the council the catholics of Seleucia.作為東方大都市和首席主教,他可能會派代表出席立法會會議上天主教徒的塞琉西亞。 His control of the Church in India could only have been exercised by his sending priests under his juridiction to minister to those Christians.他的教會在印度的控制只能是在行使他的派遣神職人員在他的管轄機構服事的基督徒。 It is not known at what date India first commenced to have resident bishops; but between the years 530-35 Cosmas Indicopleustes in his "topographia" informs us of the presence of a bishop residing in Caliana, the modern Kalyan at a short distance from Bombay.它不知道在什麼日期印度首次開始駐有主教;但在歲月之間530-35的科斯馬斯indicopleustes他的“topographia”告訴我們一個的主教居住,現代卡爾揚Caliana在很短的距離孟買的存在。 That residence was, in all probability, chosen because it was then the chief port of commerce on the west coast of India, and had easy access and communication with Persia.住所是,在所有的可能性中,選擇,因為它是在印度西海岸的主要港口貿易,並與波斯很容易地獲取和溝通。 We know later of a contention which took place between Jesuab of Adiabene the Nestorian Patriarch and Simeon of Ravardshir, the Metropolitan of Persia, who had left India unprovided with bishops for a long period.我們知道以後發生爭用的阿迪亞波納的Jesuab之間的景教主教和Ravardshir西麥的,大都會的波斯,誰離開印度未撥備的主教相當長的一段。 The Patriarch reproached him severely for this gross neglect.祖師嚴厲責備他這種嚴重忽視。 We may take it that up to the period 650-60 the bishops sent to India, as Cosmas has said, were consecrated in Persia, but after this gross neglect the patriarch reserved to himself the choice and consecration of the prelates he sent out to India, and this practice was continued till the arrival of the Portuguese on the coast in 1504.我們可能需要它,高達時期650-60主教送往印度,作為科斯馬斯說,被consecrated在波斯,但在此之後嚴重忽視的族長保留自己的選擇和祝聖的主教,他發送給印度,這種做法一直持續到抵達葡萄牙的海岸上於1504年。

Le Quien places the two brothers Soper Iso and Prodho on the list of bishops of India, but Indian tradition gives it no support, and in this the British Museum Manuscript Report and Gouvea (Jornada, p. 5) concur.樂Quien將兩兄弟索珀異和Prodho的印度主教的名單上,但印度的傳統,它不支持,在大英博物館的手稿報告和Gouvea(喬納達,第5頁)同意。 The brothers were known as church-builders, and were reputed to be holy men.這對兄弟被稱為教會建設者,並被譽為是聖潔的人。 Moreover, to include Thomas Cana in the lists of bishops is preposterous on the face of the evidence of the copper-plate grant.此外,包括托馬斯拿在主教的名單在臉上的證據的銅板補助金是荒謬的。 The "Report" mentions a long period when there was neither bishop nor priest surviving in the land, for they had all died out; the only clerical survival was a deacon far advanced in age. “報告”中提到了很長一段既不是主教,也不是牧師倖存的土地時,他們都死了,唯一的文書生存是一個執事最先進的年齡。 The ignorant Christians, finding themselves without prelates, made him say Mass and even ordain others, but as soon as prelates came from Babylon they put a stop to this disorder.無知的基督徒,發現自己沒有主教,他說質量和甚至出家他人,但只要主教來自巴比倫,他們制止這種疾病。 The next authentic information we have on this head comes from the Vatican Library and has been published by Assemani (Bibli. Or., III, 589).下真實的信息,我們在這頭來自梵蒂岡圖書館,並已出版Assemani(Bibli.,III,589)。 It consists of a statement concerning two Nestorian bishops and their companions and a letter the former written in Syriac to the Patriarch annoncing their arrival, dated 1504; there is a translation in Latin added to the documents.它由一份聲明中關於兩個景教主教和他們的同伴和信前,在敘利亞文到祖師annoncing他們的到來,於1504在拉丁美洲有一個翻譯的文件。 In 1490 the Christians of Malabar dispatched three messengers to ask the Nestorian Patriarch to send out bishops; one died on the journey, the other two presented themselves before the Patriarch and delivered their message; two monks were selected and the Patriach consecrated them bishops, assigning to one the name of Thomas and to the other that of John.在1490的基督徒,馬拉巴爾派出使者問了景教主教送出去主教一人死亡的征程上,另外兩個之前提出了自己的主教,並發表他們的消息,兩個和尚和Patriach奉獻他們的主教,分配一個托馬斯的名稱和其他的約翰。 The two bishops started on their journey to India accompanied by the two messengers.兩位主教開始他們的旅程,印度伴隨著兩個使者。 On their arrival they were received with great joy by the people, and the bishops commenced consecrating altars and ordaining a large number of priests "as they had been for a long time deprived of bishops".在他們的到來,他們共收到懷著極大的喜悅的人,開始的主教祝聖祭壇和祝聖了大量的神父“,因為他們已經很長一段時間被剝奪的主教”。 One of them, John, remained in India, while the other Thomas, accompanied by Joseph, one of the messengers, returned to Mesopotamia, taking with them the offerings collected for the patriarch.其中之一,約​​翰,留在印度,同時,伴隨著由約瑟夫,使者之一,其他的托馬斯回到了美索不達米亞,採取與他們的族長收集的產品。 Joseph returned to India in 1493, but Thomas remained in Mesopotamia.約瑟夫回到印度,在1493年,但托馬斯仍然在美索不達米亞。

After about ten years, when the next patriarch ordained three other bishops for India, Thomas went back with them.大約十年後,下一任族長任命其他三個主教印度,托馬斯回到了他們。 These new bishops were also chosen from the monks, one was named Jaballa (he was the metropolitan), the second was named Denha, and the third jacob.這些新的主教們也選擇了從修士,一個被命名為Jaballa(他是大都市),第二年被評為DENHA,第三雅各。 These four bishops took ship from Ormus and landed at Kananur; they found there some twenty Portuguese who had recently arrived and presented themselves to them, said they were Christians, explained their condition and rank, and were kindly treated.這四個主教了船Ormus降落在Kananur;他們發現有大約二十葡萄牙最近抵達,並介紹了自己,他們說,他們是基督徒,解釋他們的情況和排名,並懇請處理。 Of this large number of bishops, only one remained to work, and this was Mar Jacob; the other three, including the metropolitan, after a short time returned to their country.這眾多的主教,只剩下一個工作,這是三月雅各布其他三人,包括都會,很短的時間後返回自己的國家。 Gouvea adds that they were either dissatisfied with their charge or did not like the country. Gouvea還說,他們不滿,他們的收費或不喜歡的國家。 The Portuguese writers mention only two bishops as residents, John who had come before their arrival in India and Mar Jacob.的葡萄牙作家我只提兩個主教,作為居民,約翰來之前,他們的到來,在印度和雅各月。 Nothing further is known of John but Jacob lived in the country till his death.沒有進一步的約翰,雅各住在鄉下,直到他的死亡。 St. Francis Xavier makes a very pretty elogium of him in a letter written to King John III of Portugal on 26 January, 1549.聖方濟各沙勿略的葡萄牙國王約翰三世於1549年1月26日寫的信,他在一個非常漂亮的elogium。 "Mar Jacob [or Jacome Abuna, as St. Francis styles him] for forty-five years has served God and your Highness in these parts, a very old, a virtuous, and a holy man, and at the same time unnoticed by your Highness and by almost all in India. God rewards him . . . He is noticed only by the Fathers of St. Francis, and they take so good care of him that nothing more is wanted . . . He has laboured much among the Christians of St. Thomas, and now in his old age he is very obedient to the customs of the Holy Mother Church of Rome." “月雅各布[或哈科梅阿布南,聖方濟各的風格,他]45年事奉神,殿下在這些地區,一個很老的,良性的,和一個聖潔的人,並在同一時間被忽視的你殿下和幾乎所有在印度,上帝獎勵他......他注意到只有聖弗朗西斯的父親,所以照顧好他,無非是想...他吃力之間的基督徒聖托馬斯,現在在他年老的時候,他是很聽話的聖母教堂,羅馬的習俗。“ This elogium of St. Francis sums up his career for the forty-five years he worked in Malabar (1504-49).這elogium聖弗朗西斯總結了他的職業生涯,他曾在馬拉巴爾(1504年至1549年)的45年。 He came out as a Nestorian, remained such during his early years, but gradually as he came in touch with the Catholic missionaries he allowed them to preach in his churches and to instruct his people; in his old age he left Cranganore and went to live in the Franciscan convent at Cochin and there he died in 1549.他來到了一個景教,在他早年,但逐漸他來到接觸天主教傳教士,他讓他們在他的教會傳教,並指示他的人,在他年老的時候,,他離開Cranganore和去住在科欽的方濟各會修道院,在那裡,他於1549年去世。 There remain two others -- the last of the Mesopotamian prelates who presided over these Christians -- Mar Joseph and Mar Abraham; their career will be detailed further on.還有兩個人 - 最後的美索不達米亞主教,誰主持這些基督徒 - 三月約瑟夫和三月亞伯拉罕自己的職業生涯將進一步細化。

X. Were these Christians infected with Nestorianism before 1599?十,分別為這些基督徒感染景教前1599?

When Cosmas gave us the information of the existence of a Christian community in "Male (Malabar) where the pepper is grown" he also supplied us with additional details: that they have a bishop residing at Kalyan; that in Taprobano [ Ceylon] "an island of interior India where the Indian Ocean is situated" there is a "Christian Church with clergy and the faithful; similarly in the island of Dioscordis [Socotra] in the same Indian Ocean."當科斯馬斯給我們的信息,一個基督徒團體的存在,在男性(馬拉巴爾)辣椒種植“,他還為我們提供額外的細節:他們有一個主教居住在卡延,在Taprobano [錫蘭]”島位於印度洋,印度的內部有一個“基督教教會與神職人員和信徒,同樣在Dioscordis [索科特拉島在印度洋。” Then he enumerates the churches in Arabia Felix, Bactria, and among the Huns; and all these churches are by him represented to be controlled by the Metropolitan of Persia.然後他列舉了教會在阿拉伯菲利克斯,巴克特里亞,和匈奴之間的,所有這些教會都是由他代表所要控制的大都會的波斯。 Now at that time the holder of this dignity was Patrick, the tutor, as Assemani designates him, of Thomas of Edessa, a prominent Nestorian to which sect Cosmas also belonged; hence his interest in supplying all these details.當時持有人的尊嚴是帕特里克,博士生導師,Assemani指定他,托馬斯的edessa,一個突出的景教教派科斯馬斯也屬於中,因此他的興趣在提供所有這些細節。 The bishop and clergy whom the Metropolitan, Patrick, would send out to all the above-mentioned places and churches would and must have been undoubtedly infected with one and the same heresy.大都會,帕特里克,將發送到所有上述場所和教堂的主教和神職人員必須已無疑感染了同一個異端。 Hence it is quite safe to conclude that at the time of the visit of Cosmas to India (AD 530-35) all these churches, as also the Church in India, were holding the Nestorian doctrine of their bishops and priests.因此,它是相當安全的結論的時候,對印度的訪問科斯馬斯(公元530-35),所有這些教會,為教會在印度,分別持有景教教義的主教和司鐸。 Nor should this historical fact cause surprise when we take into consideration the opportunities, the bold attitude and violent measures adopted by the promoters of this heresy after expulsion from the Roman Empire.這個歷史事實,也不應事業的驚喜,當我們考慮到的機會,大膽的態度和暴力措施,從羅馬帝國驅逐後,通過這個異端的發起人。 When the Emperor Zeno ordered Cyrus, Bishop of Edessa, to purge his diocese of that heresy (AD 489), the Nestorians were forced to seek refuge across the Roman boundary into Persia.當皇帝芝諾居魯士下令,主教的伊德撒,清除他的教區,異端(公元489年),景教被迫尋求庇護,橫跨羅馬邊界進入波斯。 Among them were the banished professors and students of the Persian School of Edessa, the centre of the Nestorian error, and they found refuge and protection with Barsumas, Metropolitan of Nisibis, himself a fanatical adherent of Nestorius.其中被驅逐的教授和學生的波斯語學校的edessa,該中心的景教錯誤,他們找到了避難所和保護與Barsumas,大都會的尼西比斯,自己是一個狂熱的追隨者聶斯脫裡。 Barsumas at this time also held from the Persian king the office of governor of the frontier. Barsumas在這個時候也從波斯國王舉行辦公室的前沿州長。

With the influence Barsumas possessed at court it was an easy thing for him to make the king, already so disposed, believe that the actual bishops holding sees in his territory were friendly to his enemies, the Romans, and that it would be better to replace them by men he knew who would owe allegiance only to the Persian monarch.的影響力Barsumas擁有在法庭上,這是一個很容易的事情,他,已經如此處置,使國王相信,實際的主教控股認為,在自己的領土友好的向他的敵人,羅馬人,而且會更好,以取代他們的男人,他知道是誰效忠的波斯王朝。 This stratagem rapidly succeeded in capturing most of those sees; and the movement became so strong that, although Barsumas predeceased Acka (Acacius), the occupant of the chief see of Seleucia, a Catholic, yet a Nestorian was selected to succeed the latter (AD 496).迅速成功地捕捉那些認為這一策略的運動變得如此強烈,雖然Barsumas:先死Acka(Acacius),乘員的行政見的塞琉西亞,天主教,但景教被選為接替後者(AD 496)。 Thus within the short space of seven years the banished heresy sat mistress on the throne of Seleucia, in a position to force every existing see eastward of the Roman Empire to embrace the heresy and to secure its permanence.因此,在短短七年內被驅逐異端坐在情婦的寶座上的塞琉西亞,在一個位置,迫使每一個現有的向東羅馬帝國的擁抱異端,並確保它的持久性。 Thus the Indian Church suffered the same fate which befell the Churches of Persia, and by 530-35 we find that she has a Nestorian prelate consecrated in Persia and presiding at Kalyan over her future destiny.因此,印度的教會遭受同樣的命運降臨在教會的波斯,530-35,我們發現,她有一個景教在波斯和主持祝聖的主教在卡延在她未來的命運。 If further proof is wanted to uphold the above finding, we offer the following historical facts of the control exercised by the Nestorian Patriarch.如果要堅持上述發現進一步證明,我們提供了以下歷史事實的控制行使了景教主教。 In 650-60, as above stated, Jesuab of Adiabene claimed authority over India and reproached Simeon of Revardshir, the Metropolitan of Persia, for not having sent bishops to India and so deprived that Church of the succession of her ministry.在650-60,以上所述,Jesuab的阿迪亞波納聲稱管理局超過印度和責備西緬的Revardshir,大都會的波斯,沒有派遣主教印度等被剝奪繼承她的事工,教會的。 In 714-28 Saliba Zacha, another Nestorian Patriarch, raised the see of India to metropolitan rank.在714-28薩利巴Zacha,另一景教主教,提高見的印度大都市排名。 Again in 857 Theodosius, another Nestorian Patriarch, included the See of India among the exempted which, owing to distance from the patriarchal see, should in future send letters of communion but once in six years.同樣是在857狄奧多西,另一景教主教,其中包括,見印度之間的豁免其中,由於距離宗法見,在未來發信的交流,但一旦在6年。 This ruling was subsequently incorporated in a synodal canon.隨後被納入該裁決是一個主教佳能。

If we look to the general tradition of the St. Thomas Christians it will be found that all their prelates came from Babylon, the ancient residence as they say, of the Patriarch or Catholicos of the East.如果我們看一下一般傳統的聖托馬斯基督徒會發現,他們的主教來自巴比倫,古民居,因為他們說,東方的主教或catholicos的。 It is further known and acknowledged by them that whenever they remained deprived of a bishop for a long time, they used to send messengers to that Patriarchate asking that bishops be sent out to them.人們還知道,承認他們,每當他們仍然被剝奪的主教很長一段時間,他們打發到該主教的要求主教被發送到他們。 Sufficient proof of this practice has been given above when discussing the arrival of four bishops in 1504.已討論的到來,四位主教在1504以上時,足以證明這種做法。 The Holy See was fully aware that the Malabar Christians were under the control of the Nestorian Patriarch.羅馬教廷充分意識到馬拉巴爾基督徒的控制下的景教主教。 When Julius III gave Sulaka his Bull of nomination as the Catholic Chaldean patriarch, he distinctly laid down the same extent of jurisdiction which had been claimed and controlled by his late Nestorian predecessor; hence in the last clause it is distinctly laid down: "In Sin Massin et Calicuth et tota India."當朱利葉斯III Sulaka他的公牛被提名為天主教加爾丁禮宗主教,他清楚地規定了相同程度的司法管轄區,已要求由他已故的景教前身控制,因此在去年第它是明顯的放下:“在罪中Massin等Calicuth等托塔印度。“ It becomes necessary to fix this historical truth clearly, because some in Malabar deny this historical fact.有必要明確地解決這個問題的歷史真相,因為有些在馬拉巴爾否認這個歷史事實。 They would wish people to believe that all the Portuguese missionaries, bishops, priests, and writers were completely mistaken when they styled them Nestorians in belief, and because of this false report all subsequent writers continued to call them Nestorians.他們希望人們相信,所有的葡萄牙傳教士,主教,神父,和作家完全錯誤的時候,他們的風格景教信仰,以及所有後續的作家,因為這種虛假的報告繼續稱他們為景教。 The reader who has gone through the statement of facts above related must be conscious that such an attempt at distorting or boldly denying public facts is utterly hopeless.讀者已經通過上述相關事實的陳述必須是有意識的,,這種企圖扭曲或大膽否定公共事實是毫無希望的。 They maintain, in support of their false view, that there always had been a small body among the Chaldeans in Mesopotamia who remained attached to the true Faith, and from them they received their bishops.他們維護,支持他們的錯誤觀點,一直是一個小團體之間的迦勒底人在美索不達米亞人仍然連接到真正的信仰,並從他們收到了他們的主教。 This plea is historically false, for the bishops they received all came to them from the Nestorians, and as to the hypothesis of the existence during all these centuries back of a Catholic party among the Nestorian Chaldeans, it is too absurd to be discussed.這個呼籲歷史上是錯誤的,他們收到的所有前來,對他們的景教主教,以及存在的假設,在所有這些世紀的天主教政黨之間景教迦勒底人將要討論的,實在是太荒謬。 It was only after the conversion of Sulaka in 1552 that the Chaldeans in part returned to the unity of faith.這是只有在轉換後的Sulaka在1552年,迦勒底人,部分返回到團結的信念。 The truth is that the Malabar Church remained from AD 496 up till then in heresy.事實是,馬拉巴爾教會仍然從公元496年直至然後邪說。

XI. XI。 Medieval travellers on the Thomas Christians中世紀旅客對托馬斯基督徒

During the centuries that these Christians were isolated from the rest of Christendom, their sole intercourse was limited to Mesopotamia, whence the Nestorian Patriarch would from time to time supply them with prelates.在幾個世紀以來,這些基督徒被隔離,其餘的基督教,他們的唯一的交往僅限於美索不達米亞,從那裡景教主教會不時向他們主教。 But from the close of the thirteenth century Western travellers, chiefly missionaries sent out by the popes, sent to the West occasional news of their existence.但是,從近的13世紀的西方遊客,主要是傳教士發出了由教皇,送往西偶爾新聞他們的存在。 Some of these it will be useful to reproduce here.這些將在這裡重現。 The first who informed the world of the existence of these St. Thomas Christians was Friar John of Monte Corvino.第一次向世界存在的這些聖托馬斯基督徒是蒙科爾維諾約翰修士。 After he had spent several years as a missionary in Persia and adjoining countries, he proceeded to China, passing through the Indian ports between the years 1292 and 1294.之後,他已經花了好幾年,作為一個傳教士在波斯和毗鄰的國家,他前往中國,印度港口之間的1292和1294年通過。 He tells us in a letter written from Cambales (Peking) in 1305 that he had remained thirteen months in that part of India where the Church of St. Thomas the Apostle stood (Mylapore); he also baptized in different places about one hundred persons.他告訴我們,在1305年寫的一封信從Cambales(北京),他已經保持13個月,印度的一部分,在教會的聖托馬斯使徒站在(麥拉坡),約百人在不同的地方,他也受洗。 In the same letter he says that there were in Malabar a few Jews and Christians, but they were of little worth; he also says that "the inhabitants persecute much the Christians."在同一封信中,他說,在馬拉巴爾少數猶太教徒和基督徒,但它們沒有價值,他也說:“多的居民迫害的基督徒。” (Yule, "Cathay and the Way Thither," I) (聖誕,“國泰航空和方式帶到那兒去,”I)

The next visitor is Marco Polo, who on his return from China (c. 1293) touched the India of St. Thomas.下一個來訪者是馬可·波羅,他從中國回來觸動了印度的聖·托馬斯(約1293)。 Of his tomb he tells us: "The body Of Messer Saint Thomas the Apostle lies in the province of Malabar, at a certain little town having no great population; 'tis a place where few traders go . . . Both Christians and Saracens however greatly frequent it in pilgrimage, for the Saracens also hold the Saint in great reverence....The Christians who go in pilgrimage take some of the earth from the place where the Saint was killed and give a portion thereof to any who is sick, and by the power of God and of St. Thomas the sick man is incontinently cured. . . . The Christians," he resumes later, "who have charge of the church have a great number of Indian nut trees [coconuts], and thereby get their living" (Marco Polo, Yule's, 2nd edit., II, 338).他的墓,他告訴我們:“梅塞爾聖托馬斯使徒的身體是的馬拉巴爾省,在一定的小城鎮沒有很大的人口,這少數貿易商去的地方......然而基督徒和撒拉遜人都大大頻繁朝聖,撒拉遜人也持聖在懷著崇敬....基督徒去朝聖的人採取的一些地球的地方聖被打死,其中的一部分給任何生病的人,和神的力量和聖托馬斯病夫無節制地治愈....基督徒,“他恢復後,”誰負責教會了大量的印度檳榔樹,椰子,從而得到他們的生活“(馬可孛羅,聖誕節,第2次編輯。,II,338)。 Friar Jordan, a Dominican, came to India as a missionary in 1321; he then had as companions four Franciscan friars, but on approaching India he had parted from them to make diversion; in the meanwhile the vessel conveying the others was by stress of weather compelled to enter Tana, a port on the west coast, where the Khasi of the place put them to death as they would not embrace Islam; the feast of Blessed Thomas of Tolentino and his companions is fixed on 6 April in the "Martyrologium Romanum".弗萊爾約旦,多米尼加,作為一個傳教士在1321年來到印度,他當時作為同伴四個方濟各修士,但在接近印度,他就離開他們,使分流,同時容器運送其他惡劣天氣被迫進入塔納,在西海岸的一個港口,卡西的地方把他們的死亡,他們不會皈依伊斯蘭教的節日的祝福的托倫蒂諾托馬斯和他的同伴是固定的4月6日在“Martyrologium Romanum” 。 Later Jordanus, hearing what had happened, rescued their bodies and gave them burial.後來Jordanus,聽到發生了什麼事,救出了自己的身體,並給他們埋葬。 He must then have gone back to Europe, for he is next heard of in France in 1330, when Pope John XXII consecrated him at Avignon Bishop of Quilon.然後,他一定已經回到了歐洲,聽說過,因為他是未來法國在1330年,教皇約翰二十二奉獻他在阿維尼翁的主教奎隆。 He left for the East the same year with two letters from the pope, one to the chief of the Christians of Quilon and the other to the Christians at Molephatam, a town on the Gulf of Manaar.他離開東方同年由教宗,一個奎隆和其他在Molephatam,Manaar海灣地區的一個小鎮上的基督徒,基督徒的主要有兩個字母。 In the first the pope beseeches "that divisions cease and clouds of error stain not the brightness of faith of all generated by the waters of baptism . . . and that the phantom of schism and wilful blindness of unsullied faith darken not the vision of those who believe in Christ and adore His name."在第一個教皇懇求“,的部門停止和雲的錯誤染色的亮度信仰的所有水域的洗禮,所產生的分裂和故意視而不見的未受污染的信仰變暗的幽靈那些誰的眼光相信在基督裡,崇拜他的名字。“

Much the same in other words is repeated in the second letter, and they are urged to unity with the Holy Catholic Roman Church.換句話說大致相同的重複中的第二個字母,並敦促他們神聖的天主教羅馬教會的團結。 The pope recommends the bishop to the kindness of the people, and thanks them for that shown to the friars who are working among them.教宗建議主教向善良的人,並感謝他們為所示的方濟各會士,其中。 All we know is that Bishop Jordanus was sent out with these letters, but nothing further is heard of him.我們所知道的是,主教Jordanus被送到了這些信件,但沒有進一步聽說過他。 He wrote a small book named "Mirabilia", edited by Col. A. Yule for the Hakluyt Society, published in 1863 (see also "Cathay", I, 184).他寫了一本小書,名為“Mirabilia”的編輯Hakluyt學會,發表在1863年(見“國泰”,I,184)A.聖誕節上校。 The next visitor is Blessed Oderic of Pordenone, who about 1324-25 landed at Tana, recovered the bodies of the four friars, Thomas and his companions who had there suffered martyrdom, and conveyed them to China.接下來的遊客有福了Oderic的弗留利 - 威尼斯朱利亞,約1324至1325年降落在塔納的修士,​​托馬斯和他的同伴有殉道,並轉達他們對中國的遺體。 On his way he halted at Quilon, which he calls Palumbum; thence he took passage on a Chinese junk for a certain city called Zayton in China.在他的途中,他停下來,在quilon,他稱Palumbum那裡他通過在中國的垃圾稱為Zayton在中國的某個城市。 He mentions the Christians at Quilon, and that at Mylapore there were fourteen houses of Nestorians ("Cathay", I, 57).他提到基督徒在quilon,在麥拉坡有14個房子的景教(“國泰”,I,57)。 A few years later Giovanni de Marignolli, the papal delegate to China, arrived at Quilon.幾年後Giovanni的Marignolli的,羅馬教皇的代表到中國,到在quilon。 He stayed there at a church dedicated to St. George, belonging to the Latin Rite, and he adorned it with fine paintings and taught there the Holy Law.他在那裡呆了一所教堂致力於聖喬治,屬於拉丁禮拜,他飾以精美的繪畫和教有神聖的“。 After dwelling there for upwards of a year he sailed to visit the shrine of the Apostle; he calls the town Mirapolis.住宅有向上的一年後,他航行了參拜靖國神社的使徒​​,他要求鎮Mirapolis。 After describing the culture of pepper on the coast he adds: "the pepper does not grow in forests but in gardens prepared for the purpose; nor are the Saracens the proprietors, but the Christians of St. Thomas, and these are the masters of the public weighing-office" [customs office].描述文化的辣椒在海岸後,他補充說:“辣椒不生長在森林裡,而是在花園準備為宗旨,也不是撒拉遜人的東主,但聖托馬斯的基督徒,而這些都是主人,公共稱量辦公室“[海關]。 Before leaving Quilon he erected a monument to commemorate his visit, and this was a marble pillar with a stone cross on it, intended to last, as he says, till the world's end.離開奎隆之前,他立碑,以紀念他的訪問,這是一個石頭十字架上,到最後,他說,直到世界盡頭的大理石柱。 "It had the pope's arms" he says, "and my own engraved on it, with an inscription both in Indian and Latin characters. I consecrated and blessed it in the presence of an infinite multitude of people." “教皇的武器,”他說,“和我自己的就可以了,無論是在印度和拉丁字符的題詞刻,我奉獻,祝福中存在的無限眾多的人。” The monument stood there till late in the nineteenth century when by the gradual erosion of the coast it fell into the sea and disappeared.這座紀念碑站在那裡,直到在19世紀後期的逐步侵蝕的海岸時墜入海中,消失了。 He concludes his narrative by saying that after staying a year and four months he took leave of the brethren, ie the missionaries who were working in that field.他的結論是他的敘述說,入住一年零四個月後,他離開的弟兄們,即在該領域工作的傳教士誰。

XII. XII。 Their two last Syrian bishops他們的最後兩個敘利亞主教

The two last Syrian bishops were Mar Joseph Sulaka and Mar Abraham; both arrived in Malabar after the arrival of the Portuguese.最後兩個敘利亞主教約瑟夫Sulaka月和三月亞伯拉罕抵達馬拉巴爾後抵達葡萄牙。 Their case presents two questions for discussion; were they canonically appointed, and had they completely rejected Nestorianism?他們的情況提出了兩個問題進行討論,他們正則任命,他們完全拒絕景教嗎? As to the first there is no doubt that his appointment was canonical, for he, the brother of the first Chaldean patriarch, was appointed by his successor Abed Jesu and sent out to Malabar, and both the above patriarchs had their jurisdiction over the Church in Malabar confirmed by the Holy See.第一,毫無疑問,他的任命是典型的,因為他的兄弟的第一加爾丁禮宗主教,任命他的繼任者阿比德JESU發送到馬拉巴爾,上述兩個族長其管轄教會馬拉巴爾證實,由羅馬教廷。 Mar Joseph was sent to India with letters of introduction from the pope to the Portuguese authorities; he was besides accompanied by Bishop Ambrose, a Dominican and papal commissary to the first patriarch, by his socius Father Anthony, and by Mar Elias Hormaz, Archbishop of Diarbekir.三月約瑟夫被送往印度與介紹由教宗向葡萄牙當局的信件,他是除了伴隨著主教劉漢銓,多米尼加和教皇小賣部的第一個族長,由他的socius父親安東尼,以及三月埃利亞斯Hormaz,大主教Diarbekir。 They arrived at Goa about 1563, and were detained at Goa for eighteen months before being allowed to enter the diocese.他們到達果阿約1563年,被拘留十八個月前在果阿被允許進入的教區。 Proceeding to Cochin they lost Bishop Ambrose; the others travelled through Malabar for two and a half years on foot, visiting every church and detached settlement.進到科欽他們失去主教劉漢銓,其餘的兩年半的時間裡徒步,穿越馬拉巴爾訪問每一個教會和超脫解決。 By the time they arrived at Angamale war broke out.通過的時間,他們到達Angamale戰爭爆發。 Then Mar Elias, Anthony the socius of the deceased prelate, and one of the two Syrian monks who had accompanied them, left India to return; the other monk remained with Archbishop Joseph Sulaka.然後三月埃利亞斯,安東尼socius死者主教,兩名敘利亞僧侶曾陪同他們的人之一,離開印度返回,其他和尚仍然與大主教約瑟夫Sulaka的。 For some time the new prelate got on well with the Portuguese and Jesuit missionaries, in fact, they praised him for having introduced order, decorum, and propriety in the Church services and all went harmoniously for some time.一段時間以來,新的主教了與葡萄牙耶穌會傳教士,事實上,他們稱讚他在教會服務,有秩序,禮儀和禮節,一切都和諧了一段時間。 Later, friction arose because of his hindering the locally-ordained Syrians from saying mass and preaching and instructing his flock.後來,摩擦的出現是因為他阻礙了當地受戒敘利亞人說質量和傳教,並指示他的羊群。 Eventually an incident revealed that Mar Joseph had not dropped his Nestorian errors, for it was reported to the Bishop of Cochin that he had attempted to tamper with the faith of some young boys in his service belonging to the Diocese of Cochin.最後一個事件顯示,三月約瑟夫沒有投下了他的景教錯誤,據報導,他曾試圖篡改的信仰,一些年輕的男孩在他的服務屬於科欽教區的主教的科欽。 This came to the knowledge of the bishop, through him to the Metropolitan of Goa, then to the viceroy; it was decided to remove and send him to Portugal, to be dealt with by the Holy See.在此之前的主教的知識,通過他向大城市的果阿,然後到總督決定刪除並送他到葡萄牙,要處理的聖。

The following is the nature of the incident.以下是事件的性質。 Taking these youths apart, he instructed them that they should venerate the Blessed Virgin as the refuge of sinners, but were not to call her Mother of God, as that was not true; but she should be styled Mother of Christ (Nestorius, refusing at the Council of Ephesus the term Theotokos proposed by the council, substituted that of Christokos, which the Fathers refused to accept because under this designation he could cloak his error of two person in Christ).除了這些青少年,他指示他們,他們應該崇敬聖母為罪人的避難所,但不叫她媽媽的上帝,因為這是不正確的,但她應該是風格的基督之母(聶斯脫裡,拒絕在理事會以弗所長期聖母理事會提出,取代,Christokos,因為在指定他的斗篷了自己的錯誤,兩個人在基督裡)的父親拒絕接受。 Mar Joseph was sent to Portugal; arriving there he succeeded in securing the good will of the Queen, then regent for her young son; he abjured his error before Cardinal Henry, expressed repentance, and by order of the queen was sent back to his diocese.三月約瑟夫被送往葡萄牙,到了那裡,他成功地保護的良好意願,英國女王,然後攝政王為她年幼的兒子,他發誓放棄他的錯誤之前,樞機主教亨利,悔罪表現,和女王的命令被送回他的教區。 Gouvea tells us that as he continued to propagate his errors on his return he was again deported and Cardinal Henry reported his case to St. Pius V. The pope sent a Brief to Jorge, Archbishop of Goa, dated 15 Jan., 1567, ordering him to make enqueries into the conduct and doctrine of the prelate; in consequence of this the first provincial council was held; the charges against Mar Joseph were found to be true and he was sent to Portugal in 1568, thence to Rome, where he died shortly after his arrival. Gouvea告訴我們,作為對他的回報,他繼續宣傳他的錯誤,他再次被驅逐和樞機主教亨利報導了他的情況下,聖比約五,教宗在發送的簡短豪爾赫大主教的果阿月15年1月,1567年,,訂貨他enqueries到的行為和教義的主教,由於這是第一個省議會舉行的指控三月約瑟夫發現是真實的,他被送往葡萄牙在1568年,然後到羅馬,在那裡他死了不久後,他的到來。

While the former was leaving India there arrived from Mesopotemia an imposter named Abraham, sent by Simeon the Nestorian Patriarch.雖然前離開印度有從Mesopotemia到達一個冒名頂替者名叫亞伯拉罕,派出由西麥了景教主教。 he succeeded in entering Malabar undetected.他成功地進入馬拉巴爾未被發現。 At the appearence of another Chaldean who proclaimed himself a bishop the people were greatly delighted and received him with applause; he set about at once acting as bishop, holding episcopal functions, and conferring Holy orders and quietly established himself in the diocese.在appearence的另一個迦勒底人誰自稱人非常高興的主教和他的掌聲,他設定一次擔任主教舉行主教的功能,並賦予神聖的命令,並悄然成立了自己的教區。 (Gouva, p. col. 2). (Gouva,第2欄)。 Later the Portuguese captured him and sent him to Portugual, but en route he escaped at Mozambique, found his way back to Mesopotamia, and went straight to Mar Abed Jesu the Chaldean Patriarch, having realized from his Indian experience that unless he secured a nomination from him it would be difficult to establish himself in Malabar.後來,葡萄牙抓住了他,並送他到葡國,但他逃脫了在莫桑比克的途中,發現他的方式回到美索不達米亞,直奔月阿比德JESU加爾丁禮宗主教,實現了從他的印度的經驗,除非他獲得了提名他說,這將是難以確立了自己在馬拉巴爾。 He succeeded admirably in his devices, obtained nomination, consecration, and a letter to the pope from the patriarch.他令人欽佩他的設備,成功獲得提名,奉獻,並寫信給教皇的族長。 With this he proceeded to Rome, and while there at an audience with the pope he disclosed his true position (Du Jarric, "Rer. Ind. Thesaur.", tom. III, lib. II, p. 69).有了這一點,他前往羅馬,雖然在覲見教宗,他公開了自己的真實位置(杜Jarric,“RER。工業Thesaur。”,湯姆。三,lib目錄下。II,第69頁)。 He avowed to pope with his own lips that he had received holy orders invalidly.他公開宣稱,教皇用他自己的嘴唇,他收到了神聖的命令無效的。 The pope ordered the Bishop of San Severino to give him orders from tonsure to the priesthood, and a Brief was sent to the Patriarch of Venice to consecrate Abraham the bishop.教宗下令主教聖塞韋里諾給他的訂單從剃度為司鐸,並簡要被送往威尼斯族長,祝聖的主教亞伯拉罕。 The facts were attested, both as to the lesser orders and the episcopal consecration, by the original letters which were found in the archieves of the Church of Angamale where he resided and where he had died.的事實證明,都以較輕的訂單和主教祝聖,發現原來的字母的實力,他在那裡居住,在那裡他已經死了教會的Angamale。

Pope Pius IV used great tact in handling this case.教皇Pius四世在處理這種情況下,用嫻熟的技巧。 Abed Jesu must have taken Abraham to be a priest; he is supposed to have abjured Nestorianism, and professed the Catholic faith, and conferred on him episcopal consecration; the pope had to consider the position in which the patriarch had been placed by the consecration and nomination of the man; the defects were supplied, and Abraham succeeded also in obtaining his nomination and creation as Archbishop Angamale from the pope, with letters to the Archbishop of Goa, and to the Bishop of Cochin dated 27 Feb., 1565.阿比德JESU必須採取亞伯拉罕是一個牧師,他應該發誓放棄景教,並聲稱信仰天主教的,並賦予他的主教奉獻,教皇不得不考慮族長的位置已被放置的奉獻和提名的人;缺陷提供,並且,亞伯拉罕也成功地獲得他的提名和創造大主教Angamale的,教皇,大主教的果阿信,和主教的科欽日期為1565年2月27日。 Such was the success of this daring man.這個大膽的人就是這樣的成功。 On arrival at Goa he was detained in a convent, but escaped and entered Malabar.在抵達果阿,他被關押在一個修道院,但逃脫,並且進入馬拉巴爾。 His arrival was a surprise and a joy to the people.他的到來是一個驚喜和快樂的人。 He kept out of the reach of the Portuguese, living among the churches in the hilly parts of the country.他不停地前往葡萄牙的,生活在丘陵該國部分地區的各教會裡。 As time passed on he was left in peaceful occupation.隨著時間的推移,他被留在和平佔領。 As is usual in such cases the old tendencies assumed once more their ascendency, and he returned to his Nestorian teaching and practices, Complaints were made; Rome sent warnings to Abraham to allow catholic doctrine to be preached and taught to his people.因為通常在這種情況下,舊的傾向假定一旦他們的優越,他回到了他的景教教學和實踐,投訴了;羅馬發出警告亞伯拉罕,宣揚天主教教義和教給他的人。 At one time he took the warning seriously to his heart.有一次他把他的心臟嚴重警告。 In 1583 Father Valignano, then Superior of the Jesuit Missions, devised a means of forcing a reform. 1583年範禮安神父,然後高級的耶穌會傳教,設計了一種手段迫使改革。 He persuaded Mar Abraham to assemble a synod, and to convene the clergy and the chiefs of the laity.他說服三月亞伯拉罕裝配了主教,並召開神職人員和酋長的俗人。 He also prepared a profession of faith which was to be made publicly by the bishop and all present.他還準備了專業的信念,這是由主教和所有在場的公開。 Moreover, urgent reforms were sanctioned and agreed to.此外,迫切改革的批准和同意。 A letter was sent by Pope Gregory XIII, 28 Nov., 1578, laying down what Abraham had to do for the improvement of his diocese; after the above-mentioned synod Abraham sent a long letter to the pope in reply, specifying all that he had been able to do by the aid of the Fathers (see letter, pp. 97-99, in Giamil).由羅馬教皇格里高利十三世,1578年11月28日發出的信,放下什麼亞伯拉罕不得不做他的教區的改善後,上述的主教亞伯拉罕發出了一封長信給教皇的回复,指定他所有的已經能夠做的父親的幫助下(參見字母,第97-99頁,Giamil)。 This is called the first reconciliation of the Syrians to the Church.這就是所謂的第一和解的敘利亞人向教會。 It was formal and public, but left no improvement on the general body, the liturgical books were not corrected nor was catholic teaching introduced in the Church.這是正式和公開的,但一般身體上沒有留下任何改善,禮儀的書籍不糾正,也不是天主教教義在教會中引入的。

In 1595 Mar Abraham fell dangerously ill (Du Jarric, tom. I, lib. II, p. 614).在1595年三月亞伯拉罕下跌病危(都Jarric,湯姆·I,II lib目錄下。頁614)。 Unfortunately he survived the excellent sentiments he then had and recovered.不幸的是,他活了下來的優秀,他當時的情緒和恢復。 After about two years, in 1597 (Gouva, p.ii) he was a second time again dangerously ill; Archbishop Aleixo de Menezes wrote and exhorted him to reform his people, but for answer he had only frivilous excuses.大約兩年後,於1597年(Gouva,p.ii),他是第二次再次病危大主教阿萊紹梅內塞斯撰寫並叮囑他要改革他的人,但答案他只有frivilous的藉口。 He would not even avail himself of the exhortations of the Fathers who surrounded his bed, nor did he receive the last sacraments.他甚至利用自己的囑託,包圍了他的床的父親,他也沒有收到最後的聖禮。 Thus he died.因此,他死了。 The viceroy made known his death to Archbishop Menezes, then absent on a visitation tour, by letter of 6 Feb., 1597.總督知道他的死亡的大主教梅尼士,然後缺席探訪之旅,1597年2月6日的信。

XIII. XIII。 Archbishop Menezes and the Synod of Diamper大主教梅尼士和主教的Diamper

Archbishop Menezes received the intelligence of the death of Mar Abraham while on a tour of pastoral visitation at Damao.大主教梅尼士三月亞伯拉罕的死亡而獲得的情報,在達茂旗參觀田園探視。 Fearing the work on hand could not be postponed, he decided to act on the powers delegated to him by pope in his last Brief, and nominated Father Francisco Roz of the Society of Jesus who undoubtly fulfilled the requirements demanded by the pope for the appointment.怕不能推遲手頭上的工作,他決定採取行動的權力委託給他的教皇在他的最後簡要,提名父親弗朗西斯科羅茲的社會耶穌毋庸置疑符合規定要求由教皇任命。 On receipt of the letter and the instructions accompanying it, the superior, knowing that the late Abraham before his death had assigned to his archdeacon the government of the church pending the arrival of another bishop from Babylon, and the same had been accepted by the people, and foreseeing also the insecurity of the position, decided that it would be prudent to await the return of the archbishop before taking any further step.在收到的信和所附的說明,優越的,知道已故亞伯拉罕在他的死亡之前已經分配給他的副主教政府,教會,等待另一個主教從巴比倫的到來,並已為人們所接受,並預見也是不安全的位置,決定,然後再採取任何進一步的步驟,審慎的做法是等待返回的大主教。 The Archbishop on returning to Goa weighed the gravity of the case, and felt bound in conscience to safeguard the Syrian Christians from falling again into the hands of a new heretical intruder.返回果阿的大主教重的重力的情況下,感到良心的約束,以保障敘利亞基督徒再次回落到一個新的異端入侵者手中。 He decided on visiting the Serra personally.他決定前往塞拉親自。 Father Nicholáo Pimenta, then the Superior of Jesuit missions in India, writing the General of the Society, Father Claudius Acquaviva, takes up the narrative as follows; "It was not small comfort to all that Alexious Menezes, the Lord Archbishop of Goa, moved by his zeal for salvation of souls and at our persuation undertook to visit the ancient Christians of St. Thomas, spread through the hilly parts of Malabar. There was great danger that after the death of Archbishop Abraham at Angamale, and the succession of the Archdeacon George to the government of the church on the demise of the prelate, she would lapse again under the sway of Nestorian prelates; nor were there wanting persons of ecclesiastical rank possessed of means who proposed to procced to Babylon and bring thence another Archbishop. To the Archbishop of Goa not only by metropolitan right, but also in virtue of Apostolic letters appertained the right to assume the administration of that Church sede vacante; and he took upon himself the task of retaining the vacillating archdeacon in due submission to the Holy See and avoiding schism."父親Nicholáo玉桂,那麼高級的基督教傳教士在印度,寫的一般的社會,父親克勞狄斯誇,佔用的敘述如下:“這是不小的安慰,Alexious酒店梅內塞斯,主大主教的果阿,移動他的熱情,為拯救靈魂,在我們的疏導進行參觀古代基督徒的聖托馬斯,傳遍丘陵部分馬拉巴爾有很大的危險,死亡的大主教亞伯拉罕在Angamale,,和繼承的副主教喬治滅亡的政府,教會的主教,她會失效的景教主教的支配下,也教會的排名有希望的人擁有誰提出席到巴比倫,並因此帶來另一個大主教的手段。大主教的果阿,不僅大城市的權利,但也憑藉使徒信過了一會權利承擔管理,教會塞代vacante的;他上台後,自己的任務保留搖擺不定的副主教在適當時候提交給神聖的,並避免分裂。“ He therefore issued instructions to the rector of the Vaipicotta College, enclosing a letter of appointment naming the archdeacon administrator of the diocese provided he in the presence of the rector made a solemn profession of faith.因此,他發出指示,的校長的Vaipicotta學院,封閉了聘書命名管理員的教區副主教他的存在的校長作出了莊嚴界的信仰。 The archdeacon expressed his satisfaction on receiving the intimation and promised to make the profession demanded on a feast day.副主教接收的暗示和承諾表示滿意,使一個節日的專業要求。 But later on he would neither make the profession, nor would he accept the nomination of administrator as coming from the archbishop of the diocese.但後​​來他既不會使行業,他也不會接受提名的管理員的教區的大主教來自。 Afterwards he caused it to be reported that he had so acted on the advice of others.後來,他引起別人的意見,他如此行事的報告。 The Archbishop of Goa, after taking counsel with the Fathers, decided on starting on the visitation of the Archdiocese of Angamale to induce that Church to receive a prelate from the Sovereign Pontiff.大主教的果阿,在律師與父親,決定,開始探視的大主教管區Angamale誘使該教堂接受主教的主權教宗。 On this coming to be known all sorts of difficulties were raised to induce him to abandon his project, even from ecclesiastics, with such pertinacity that the archbishop wrote to Pimenta: "Heaven and earth have conspired against my design."在這個被稱為提出了種種困難,促使他放棄他的項目,甚至從教士,等頑固的大主教寫信給丁子:“天地有背叛我的設計。” But he manfully faced the work before him, and went through it with singular firmness of character and prudence, and supported by Divine aid he began, continued, and completed the arduous task he had undertaken with complete success.但他勇敢地面對工作,在他之前,經歷奇異堅定的性格和謹慎,並支持了神聖的援助,他開始繼續,並完成他所承擔的艱鉅任務取得圓滿成功。

During the visitation (full details of which are given by Gouvea in the "Jornada", the one source whence all other writers have obtained their information, some even going so far as entirely to distort the facts to satisfy their prejudice) the archbishop underwent all sorts of hardships, visiting the principal parishes, addressing the people, holding services, and everywhere conferring the sacraments, of which these people were deprived.在探視(詳情其中Gouvea的在“喬納達”,其他所有的作家都得到了他們的信息來源之一何處,有的甚至至今完全歪曲事實,以滿足他們的偏見)大主教經歷了所有種種困難,來訪的主要教區的,解決人,持有服務,並到處授予聖禮,這些人被剝奪。 He caused the Nestorian books in the possession of the churches and in the hands of the people to be expurgated of their errors, and they were then restored to their owners.他造成景教書籍中佔有的教堂和適合未成年人的自己的錯誤的人手中,然後將它們恢復到它們的主人。 All the books then existing among the Syrians were in manuscript form; printed books among them did not exist at this period.所有的書之間存在的敘利亞人在手稿的形式,在此期間,印刷書籍的其中不存在。 Passages that denied the Supreme authority of the Apostolic See of Rome were similarly deleted.通道,否認至高無上的權威,使徒見羅馬同樣刪除。 He also caused capable priests to be sought out, and these he placed in charge of parishes.他也引起了尋求能夠祭司,而這些,他把負責的教區。 Eventually he established eighty parishes.最後,他建立了80個教區。 Thus he prepared his ground for the reform of this Church which he intended to carry out.因此,他準備自己的立場,這教會他打算開展的改革。 The synod was opened with great solemnity and pomp on 20 June, 1599, at the village of Udiamparur, whence it is known as the Synod of Diamper.主教會議開幕偉大的嚴肅性和輕車簡從6月20日,1599年,在村的Udiamparur,從那裡它被稱為作為主教的Diamper。 The Acts were published in Portuguese as an appendix to the "Jornada"; they were also translated into Latin.行為是在葡萄牙出版的附錄“喬納達”;他們也被翻譯成拉丁文。 The opening Act the synod was the profession of faith.開幕法主教是專業的信念。 The Archbishop was the first to make his profession, then followed the archdeacon who made in Malayalam, a translation of the former prepared for the purpose.大主教是第一個使他的職業,隨後的副主教誰在馬拉雅拉姆語,翻譯前準備的目的。 Subsequently the clergy in turn made theirs in the hands of archbishop as the archdeacon also had done.隨後,神職人員反過來又使他們手中的主教,副主教也做了。 The Latin text of the synod, and separate in "Juris Pontificii de Propaganda Fide", Paris.拉丁文字的主教,和獨立的“法學Pontificii的傳信”,巴黎。 I, vol.我,第一卷。 VI, part II, p.六,第二部分。 243. 243。 Besides the archbishop and certain Jesuit Fathers who assisted him there were some 153 Syrian priests and about 600 laymen deputed by the congregation to represent them; all these signed the decrees that were passed by the synod and proclaimed the orthodox faith embodied in the act of profession taken by the entire clergy.除了大主教和某些耶穌父親協助他的人,有一些153敘利亞祭司和眾指派的代表約600個外行,所有這些簽署的法令,通過了由主教,並宣布正統信仰體現在專業的行為採取整個的神職人員。 The Archbishop addressed the synod on the falsity of the errors of Nestorius up till then held by that Church, the assembly denounced them, anathematized the Nestorian Patriarch, and promised obedience and submission to the Roman Pontiff.大主教主教的虛假的錯誤的聶斯脫了,直到然後由該教會舉行,大會譴責他們,詛咒了景教主教,並承諾服從和羅馬教皇提交。

Among the calumnies spread against Menezes and the synod the most prominent is that all the Syriac books of the community were burnt and destroyed by order of the synod.其中誹謗散佈對梅尼士和主教最突出的是,所有的敘利亞社會的書籍被焚毀的主教的命令。 What was done in this matter under the decree passed in the fifth session is thus described in the "Jornada" (tr. Glen, book I, ch. xxiii, p. 340).在第五十五屆會議通過的法令,在這個問題上做了什麼“的Jornada”(本書中,我編輯部幽谷,CH。二十三,第340)是這樣描述的。 After the above condemnation of errors it was decided that certain books which had been named and were current in the serra and full of errors should be burnt; that others were to be censured only until they were corrected and expurgated.經過上述譴責的錯誤決定,已被命名為和某些書在塞拉和完整的錯誤應該被燒毀,其他人進行譴責,直到他們被修正和刪改。 The list of books to be burnt is given in the 14th decree of the third session.被燒毀的書籍列表的第三次會議在14日的法令。 The books consist:這些書籍包括:

of those ex professo teaching Nestorian errors;這些當然professo教學景教錯誤;

containing false legends;含有虛假的傳說;

books of sorceries and superstitious practices.書的巫術和迷信的做法。

None of these were capable of correction.這些都不能夠改正。 In all other books that had any statements containing doctrinal errors, the latter were erased.所有其他的書籍,有任何包含理論錯誤的,後者被刪除。 The "Jornada" (p. 365) gives the system adopted during the visitation of the Church for the correction of books: after Mass was said all books written in Syriac, whether the property of the Church or of private individuals were handed over to Father Francisco Roz, who with three Cathanars (Syrian priests) specially selected for the purpose would retire to the vestry and there correct the books in conformity with the directions given by the synod ; those that were condemned and forbidden were handed over to the archbishop, who would order them to be burnt publicly. “的Jornada”(第365頁),該系統通過在探視的教會書的修正:彌撒後說,所有在敘利亞的書,無論是教會或個人的財產被移交給父親舊金山洛茲,特別挑選的目的有三個Cathanars(敘利亞祭司)將退休的教區,並有糾正的書籍符合發出的指示,由主教,那些被譴責和禁止被移交給大主教,將責令其公開被燒毀。 Under his orders no book capable of being purged from heretical error would be destroyed, but those ex professo teaching heresy would be destroyed.根據他的命令,沒有一本書能夠被清除異端的錯誤會被破壞,但那些前professo教學異端會被銷毀。 After the conclusion of the synod Archbishop Menezes continued his visitation of the churches down to Quilon and then returned to Goa.結束後的主教,大主教梅尼士繼續探視的教會下降到奎隆,然後返回果阿。 He did not forget to send from thence a letter of warm thanks to Father Pimenta for the continuous and important aid given by the Fathers of the Society all through the work he had to perform in Malabar.他沒有忘記從那裡發出的信,熱情感謝父親丁子的父親的社會的持續和重要的援助,所有通過工作,他不得不在馬拉巴爾執行。

XIV. XIV。 Their first three Jesuit bishops首三個耶穌會主教

In making provisions for the future government of the Syrian Church in Malabar, Clement VIII had to adopt such measures as would secure its permanency in the faith and exclude the danger of a relapse.在未來政府的敘利亞教會馬拉巴爾的規定,克萊門特八,不得不採取這樣的措施,才能保證其永久性的信仰和排除復發的危險。 He decided that it would be the safest course to appoint a Latin prelate in sympathy with the people and fully acquainted with their liturgical language.他決定,這將是最安全的當然是任命一位拉丁美洲主教在同情與人民充分了解他們的禮儀語言。 The selection fell on Father Roz, no doubt after hearing the opinion of Archbishop Menezes.選擇下跌後,在父親的洛茲,毫無疑問,聽取意見的大主教梅尼士。 Father Roz was consecrated by the Archbishop at Goa under the title of Bishop of Angamale in 1601.父親洛茲consecrated由大主教在果阿,1601在主教Angamale的標題下。 Four years later Paul V transferred him (1605) to the new See of Cranganore, which he created an archbishopric in order that the faithful brought to unity should not feel that the honour of their see had suffered any diminution of honour.四年後,保羅V將他(1605)新的cranganore,他創造了一個大主教為了忠實帶來團結不應該覺得他們​​看到的榮譽遭受任何減弱的榮譽。 The new prelate made a visitation tour through the diocese, correcting the liturgical books at every church where this had not been done, and enforcing everywhere the rules sanctioned by the Synod of Diamper.通過教區新主教探訪之旅,糾正在每一個教堂裡還沒有做的禮儀書籍,並執行到處規則認可的主教的Diamper。 In 1606 he convened and held a diocesan synod; no further details of his administration are handed down to us.他在1606年召開及舉行教區主教,他的政府沒有進一步的細節都交給我們。 After twenty-three years of strenuous episcopate he died at Parur, his ordinary residence, 18 February, 1624, and was buried in the church.他艱苦的主教23年後死在Parur,他的普通住宅,1624年2月18日,被埋葬在教堂。 Besides the Latin Canon of the Mass he had also translated the Latin ritual into Syriac for the administration of the Holy Sacraments by the clergy.除了拉丁佳能的群眾,他還翻譯成敘利亞的聖聖禮由神職人員管理的拉丁儀式。 Years later, on the occasion of the first pastoral visit of the first Vicar Apostolic of Trichur to the church of Parur in 1888, on enquiring after the tomb of the archbishop, was told that no tomb of his was known to exist there, but after careful search had been made the tombstone, with its Malayalam inscription in ancient Tamil characters, was found and is now affixed to the inner wall of the church.的宗座代牧的trichur詢問墓後的大主教教堂的Parur於1888年,第一次牧靈訪問之際,多年以後,被告知沒有他的墓被稱為存在那裡,但後仔細搜索了墓碑,馬拉雅拉姆語碑文在古代泰米爾語字符,被發現,現在的教堂的內壁貼。 The loss of all knowledge of the tombstone was caused by the sacking and burning of this church with many others by the soldiers of Tippoo Sultan on his second invasion of the coast.這個教會的洗劫和焚燒與許多其他的Tippoo蘇丹的士兵在他的第二次入侵的海岸造成的損失的一切知識的墓碑。 Paulinus a Sancto Bartholomaeo, who had visited the church in 1785 and had taken a transcript of the inscription at the time, of which he gives a Latin translation in his "India Christ. Orient.", p. Paulinus,誰曾在1785年參觀了教堂,並已採取的題詞成績單的時候,他給拉丁美洲的翻譯在他的“印度基督東方”,第一個Sancto Bartholomaeo。 64, did not read the name Roz on the stone, however the name is there in a flaw of the stone and has been read on rediscovery. 64,沒有閱讀的名稱羅茲在石頭上,但名字是在那裡一個缺陷的石頭,已被閱讀上重新發現。

Father Estevão de Brito, also a Jesuit, was designated successor, and was consecrated by the Archbishop of Goa in the Church of Bom Jesus, Goa, on 29 Sept., 1624, and left Goa for his diocese on 4 November.父親Estevão布里托,也是耶穌會,被指定的繼任者,和被奉獻的大主教的果阿,在教會的BOM的耶穌,果阿,1624年9月29日,11月4日離開果阿,他的教區。 He died on 2 December, 1641, having governed the see for over seventeen years.他死於1641年12月2日,管轄看到了十七年。 The third of the series was Francisco Garcia, of the same society.該系列的第三弗朗西斯科 - 加西亞,在同一個社會。 He was consecrated Bishop of Ascalon on 1 November, 1637, with right of succession by the Archbishop of Goa, in the Jesuit Church of Bom Jesus, Goa, and succeeded to the See of Cranganore in 1641. 11月1日,1637年,他被祝聖的主教阿斯卡隆的繼承權大主教的果阿,果阿的BOM的耶穌,在耶穌會教堂,並成功的見的cranganore在1641年。 Under this prelate a frightful schism broke out (1653) and his entire flock, with all his clergy and churches, withdrew from his allegiance.在此主教一個可怕的分裂爆發(1653年)和他的整個羊群,他的所有神職人員和教會,退出了他的忠誠。 Out of the entire body of 200,000 Syrian Christians only some 400 individuals remained faithful.的20萬敘利亞基督徒的整個身體只有約400人仍然忠實。

This misfortune has by most writers been attributed to Garcia's want of tact, obstinancy, and sarcastic disposition: as to the latter defect there is one instance, and that at the last opportunity for reconciliation, which fell through owing to his harsh treatment of the delegates sent to him by his revolted flock.這個不幸的大多數作家歸因加西亞要機智,obstinancy,和諷刺的配置:作為在後者的缺陷有是一個實例,和那的最後機會和解,其中下跌通過,由於他的苛刻待遇的代表他的反抗羊群發送給他的。 But he was not responsible for the schism.但他不負責的分裂。 This had been hatched many years previously during the lifetime of his predecessor de Brito, secretly and unknown to him.這已經孵出很多年以前,他的前任德·布里托的生命週期內,秘密和未知的他。 Here the dates only of documents can be quoted.在這裡,唯一的文件可以被引用的日期。

On 1 January, 1628 the Archdeacon George wrote a letter to the papal nuncio at Lisbon complaining that no answer was given to a letter sent some twenty years earlier regarding the spiritual wants of this Christian people.在1628年1月1日的副主教喬治寫了一封信給羅馬教皇的教廷大使在里斯本大約20年前,抱怨沒有答案的函件發送有關精神,希望這個基督教的人。 In 1630 Rome was informed of these complaints, the substance of which was that only Jesuits controlled these Christians, that they were unsuited, and had controlled them for over forty years, and they wanted other religious orders to be sent.在1630年羅馬被告知這些投訴,其實質是,只有耶穌會控制這些基督徒,他們不適合,並控制了他們的四十多年裡,他們希望要發送的其他宗教的訂單。 The Sacred Congregation sent instructions that other orders should be admitted into the diocese.聖發送指令到教區應該承認,其他訂單。

Paulinus (op. cit., pp. 70 sq.) adduces further evidence of the trickery and treachery of Archdeacon George. ,Paulinus(同上,第70頁平方米),引證的欺騙和背叛的副主教喬治的進一步證據。 In 1632 he convened a meeting at Rapolin consisting of clergy and laity, when a letter of complaint was sent to the King of Portugal against the Jesuit Fathers; these very same complaints formed the heads of their grievances in 1653, when open schism was proclaimed to secure independence and oust the Jesuits.他在1632年召開的一次會議上Rapolin組成的神職人員和信徒,當一封投訴信發送給葡萄牙國王對耶穌會的神父們,這些同樣的投訴,形成了他們的不滿元首於1653年,開放分裂時,被宣布爭取獨立和驅逐耶穌會士。 The plot had been hatched for a good number of years; it was begun by Archdeacon George (d. 1637) who was succeeded in office by a relative, another Thomas de Campo (Thoma Parambil) who in 1653 headed the revolt.情節已經有一個良好的數年孵化;開始吏喬治(卒於1637年)是相對的,另一個托馬斯·de Campo的(托馬Parambil)在1653年率領起義成功地在辦公室。 After the schism had broken out the intruder Ahatalla, a Mesopotamian prelate, was deported by the Portuguese, who took him by ship off Cochin and there lay at anchor.分裂後爆發了的的入侵者Ahatalla,一個美索不達米亞主教,被驅逐出境,葡萄牙,誰把他的船離科欽和拋錨停泊。

The Christians, coming to know of the fact, threatened to storm the fort, which the governor had to man with his soldiers, while the ship sailed away to Goa during the night.基督徒,知道的事實,威脅到暴風要塞,州長有男人與他的士兵,當船舶航行在晚上去果阿。 The revolted seeing their last attempt to secure a Baghdad prelate frustrated, leaders and people took a solemn vow that they would never again submit to Archbishop Garcia.反叛的領導人和中國人民看到他們的最後一次嘗試,以確保在巴格達主教受挫,一個莊嚴的誓言,他們將永遠不會再次提交的大主教加西亞。 Finding themselves in this position they thought of calling to their aid the Carmelite Fathers who had visited Malabar but were then at Goa.發現自己在這個位置上,​​他們想打電話給他們的援助的迦的父親誰訪問了馬拉巴爾,但當時在果阿。 When Alexander VII came to know the calamity which had befallen the Syrian community, he sent out (1656) the Carmelites, Fathers José de Sebastiani and Vincente of St. Catherine, to work for the return to unity and to their archbishop of this revolted church.當亞歷山大七世才知道敘利亞社會的災難已經降臨,他發出了(1656年),父親何塞·塞巴斯蒂亞尼文森特的聖凱瑟琳,加爾默羅工作的回報團結和反抗他們的大主教教堂。 Later other Carmelite Fathers joined in the good work.後來其他的加爾默羅父親加入了良好的工作。 Within a year of their arrival (1657) the Carmelites had succeeded in reconciling forty-four churches.他們的到來,在一年之內(1657年)的加爾默羅會已成功地協調44座教堂。 Although Archdeacon George had remained obdurate, a relative of his, Chandy Perambil (Alexander de Campo) headed the return movement, but they would have nothing to do with Archbishop Garcia.雖然副主教喬治仍然頑固不化,他的一個親戚,Chandy Perambil(亞歷山大的坎普)為首的回報運動,但他們什麼都沒有做大主教加西亞。

XV. XV。 The Carmelite Period該carmelite期

Under these circumstances Father José de Sebastiani decided to return to Rome and inform the pope of the real difficulty which stood in the way of permanent reconciliation.在這種情況下,父親何塞·塞巴斯蒂亞尼決定返回羅馬,並告知教皇的實際困難,為永久和解的方式。 The pope on learning the state of the case had Father José consecrated and appointed him Commissary Apostolic for Malabar, with power to consecrate two other bishops, naming them vicars Apostolic.教宗學習狀態的情況下,父親何塞奉獻,並任命他小賣部為馬拉巴爾使徒,奉獻另外兩名主教,命名vicars使徒。 Provided with these powers he returned to Malabar in 1861 and took up his work.提供這些權力,他於1861年回到馬拉巴爾了他的工作。 By this time, Archbishop Garcia had been removed from the scene by death.到了這個時候,大主教加西亞已被刪除從現場死刑。 Between 1661 and 1662 the Carmelite Friars under Bishop José had reclaimed the large number of eighty-four churches, leaving to the leader of the revolt -- the aforesaid Archdeacon Thomas -- only thirty-two churches.在1661年和1662年的加爾默羅方濟各會士主教何塞下重新奪回了大量的84座教堂,留下來的領導者的反抗 - 上述副主教托馬斯 - 只有32教堂。 Both these figures are of great importance for the subsequent history of the Malabar Syrians.這兩個數字是非常重要的,為以後的歷史馬拉巴爾敘利亞人。 The eighty-four churches and their congregations were the body from which all the Romo-Syrians have descended, while the other thirty-two represent the nucleus whence the Jacobites and their subdivisions, Reformed Syrians, etc., have originated. 84的教會和會眾的身體,所有的羅莫敘利亞人已經下降,而其他32代表的細胞核內,jacobites及其分支機構,改革敘利亞人,等等,都源於何處。 In January, 1663, the political situation regarding these Christians was entirely changed. ,1663年1月,關於這些基督徒的政治局勢完全改變。 The Dutch had arrived on the coast and had captured Cochin.已抵達荷蘭的海岸,並抓獲了科欽。 The Portuguese power fell.葡萄牙功率下降。 The new masters expelled not only all the Portuguese clergy but also forced Bishop José and his religious to leave the country.的新主人驅逐不僅所有葡萄牙語神職人員,但也迫使主教何塞和他的宗教離開該國。 In this predicament the bishop selected and consecrated the native priest Chandy Perambil (Alexander de Campo) and made him a vicar Apostolic over the flock he was forced to leave.在這種困境的主教和奉獻的原生的牧師Chandy Perambil(亞歷山大·de坎普),並做了他的名譽主教以上的羊群,他被迫離開。

Before departing, however, he handed to the Dutch Government of Cochin a list of the eighty-four churches that were under his control and commended Bishop Chandy and the Christians of these churches to his protection.然而,在離開之前,他交給荷蘭政府的科欽84教會是他的控制之下,並讚揚主教Chandy他的保護,這些教會和基督徒的列表。 This the governor undertook to fulfil.這是州長承諾履行。 Though the Dutch did not trouble themselves about the Syrian Christians, yet they would not permit any Jesuit or Portuguese prelate to reside in Malabar, although simultaneously with Bishop José de Sebastiani, the other Carmelite missionaries had also to depart.雖然荷蘭人沒有麻煩自己的敘利亞基督徒,但他們不會允許任何耶穌或葡萄牙主教住在馬拉巴爾同時,雖然主教何塞·塞巴斯蒂亞尼,其他的加爾默羅會傳教士也離開了。 However, they were not absent long, for eventually they returned by ones and twos and were not molested.然而,他們沒有缺席多久,他們最終返回三三兩兩,並沒有調戲。 Later, in 1673, they established themselves at Verapoly and built a church there, having obtained the land rent-free from the Rajah of Cochin; it is yet the headquarters of the Carmelites in Malabar.後來,在1673年,他們建立了自己的Verapoly,並在那裡建造了一座教堂,已取得土地免租期,從惹的科欽,這是總部的carmelites在馬拉巴爾。 One of the Carmelite fathers named Matthew even came into friendly relations with the Dutch Governor van Rheede, and aided him in compiling his voluminous work on local botany known as "Hortus Malabaricus."其中的carmelite父親命名,馬修甚至與荷蘭總督範Rheede的友好關係,並在編纂他的大部頭著作當地的植物學稱為“霍圖斯石斑魚的幫助他。” The Carmelites working among the Syrians under Bishop Chandy remained on good terms with him; the bishop died in 1676.的的加爾默羅工作之間的敘利亞人下主教Chandy保持在良好的條件與他的主教去世於1676年。 Raphael, a priest of the Cochin diocese, was selected to succeed the former, but he turned out a failure and died in 1695." The year following, Father Peter-Paul, a Carmelite, was created titular Archbishop of Ancyra, and was appointed vicar Apostolic for Malabar. With his arrival in 1678 there was a considerable improvement in the relations between the Dutch Government and the Carmelite Fathers. The Archbishop Peter-Paul was a prince of the House of Parma, and his mother was the sister of Pope Innocent XII; before coming out to Malabar he had obtained a decree from the Government of Holland authorizing the residence in Malabar of one bishop and twelve Carmelite priests who had to be either Italians, Germans, or Belgians; but they were not admitted into Cochin.科欽教區的牧師,拉斐爾,被選為接替前,但他卻出了故障,並於1695年去世。“後的一年,父親彼得 - 保羅,一個carmelite,創造了名義上的大主教安該拉,並獲委任牧師使徒為馬拉巴爾隨著他的到來,在1678年有一個相當大的改善,荷蘭政府和carmelite父親之間的關係。大主教彼得 - 保羅是一位王子的帕爾瑪之家,和他的母親是姐姐的教皇英諾森XII;出來馬拉巴爾之前,他已經獲得了一項法令,授權居住在馬拉巴爾的一個主教和12聖衣祭司誰是意大利,德國,比利時,荷蘭政府,但他們沒有獲准進入科欽。

The French traveller Anquetil du Perron, who visited Malabar in 1758, offers the following statistics regarding the number of Christians on the coast he had obtained from Bishop Florentius, the Carmelite Vicar Apostolic of Malabar.法國旅行安克蒂爾杜一台階,誰訪問了馬拉巴爾於1758年,提供了以下統計數的基督徒,他曾獲得從主教Florentius的,加爾默羅宗座代牧馬拉巴爾海岸。 He tells us that the bishop believed the total number of Christians to amount to 200,000; of these 100,000 were Catholic Syrians, another 50,000 were of the Latin Rite ; both these were under his jurisdiction, while the revolted Syrians who may be classed as Jacobites, were under Mar Thomas VI (who on his consecration in 1772 assumed the name and style of Dionysius I), and numbered 50,000.他告訴我們,主教認為基督徒總數達20萬;這10萬是天主教敘利亞人,另有50,000人的拉丁儀式,這兩個都是在他的管轄範圍,而反叛的敘利亞人被歸類為詹姆斯黨,三月托馬斯六下(假設在1772年他的奉獻的名稱和風格的狄奧尼修斯一世),編號為50000。 From the death of Archbishop Garcia in 1659 the See of Cranganore had no resident bishop till 1701, when Clement XI appointed João Rebeiro, a Jesuit.從死亡的大主教加西亞在1659年的cranganore沒有駐地至1701年,克萊門特十一任命若昂·雷貝羅,耶穌會的主教。 When the latter assumed charge the Carmelite Vicar Apostolic, Angelus Francis, told his Syrian flock that his jurisdiction had ceased and they must now pass over to that of the new Archbishop of Cranganore.當後者假定收取加爾默羅宗座代牧,奉告祈禱弗朗西斯,告訴他的敘利亞羊群,他的職責範圍已經停止,他們現在必須通過的新的cranganore大主教。 The Syrians refused to acknowledge the new archbishop and sent a petition to Rome that they preferred to remain under the Carmelites, who had seventy-one churches in complete submission and eighteen in partial union (ie, the parish was divided and part had submitted to Rome), while only twenty-eight churches remained altogether separate.敘利亞拒絕承認新主教,並發出了一份請願書,他們寧願保持下carmelites,教會在完成後提交71和18部分工會(即教區劃分及部分已提交給羅馬到羅馬),而只有28教會保持完全獨立。 Pope Clement, after informing the King of Portugal of the state of things, extented in 1709 the jurisdiction of Bishop Angelus over the dioceses of Cranganore and Cochin, and the pope assigned as a reason for doing so that the Dutch would not tolerate any Portuguese prelate in the country, and the Christians threatened rather to reture to schism than accept the bishop sent out.教皇克萊門特後,通知王葡萄牙的國家的事情,在1709年的cranganore和科欽教區主教管轄的三鐘經,和教皇推廣的分配這樣做的一個原因,荷蘭將不會容忍任何葡萄牙語主教在國內,和基督徒的威脅,而不是利潤歸還分裂接受主教發出了。 For fuller particulars of this period the reader is referred to: GT Mackenzie, "History of Christianity in Travangore," in Census Report of 1901, Trivandrum; and Paulinus a Sancto Bartholomaeo, "India Orientalis Christ" (Rome, 1794).這一時期更全面的詳情,讀者可參考:GT麥肯齊,“基督教史Travangore,”普查報告,1901年,特里凡得瑯和Paulinus一個Sancto Bartholomaeo,“印度東方基督”(羅馬,1794)。

On the arrival of the Dutch and the capture of Cranganore it became impossible for the Jesuits to retain the college at Vipicotta; they abandoned the place and removing to the interior beyond the reach of their enemies, opened a new college, at Ambalacad, whence they controlled their new missions on the east coast.在抵達荷蘭和捕捉的cranganore成了不可能的耶穌會保留該學院在Vipicotta,他們放棄了地方和刪除的內部超出了他們的敵人,開闢了一條新的大學,在Ambalacad,從那裡他們控制了他們在東海岸的新使命。 Bishop Rebeiro returned there and carried on his work; eventually several of the Syrian Catholic parishes went over to the succeeding Archbishop of Cranganore, and these bishops eventually lapsed under the control of the Archbishops of Goa.雷貝羅主教回到那裡,對他的工作,最終的敘利亞天主教教區幾個去了隨後的cranganore大主教,主教大主教的果阿的控制下,最終失效。 Bishop Rebeiro died at the college of Ambalacad on 24 Sept., 1716, is buried in the church of Puttencherra and has a tombstone with an inscription in Portuguese.主教雷貝羅死在大學的Ambalacad於1716年9月24日,被埋葬在教堂的Puttencherra,有墓碑的碑文在葡萄牙語。 His successors fixed Puttencherra as their residence, and the parish church became a pro-cathedral.他的繼任者固定Puttencherra他們的住處,和教區教堂成了親大教堂。 The following particulars of their nomination and death are here recorded.在這裡記錄自己的提名和死亡的詳情。 Archbishop Rebeiro was succeded by Antonio Carvallo Pimental also a Jesuit, consecrated as the former had been at the church of Bom Jesus, Goa, by the archbishop on 29 Feb., 1722, d.大主教安東尼奧卡爾瓦洛Pimental雷貝羅了成功的耶穌會​​士,神聖的,因為前者已經在教會的BOM的耶穌,果阿,1722年2月29日,D由大主教。 at Puttencherra on 6 March, 1752. Puttencherra於1752年3月6日。 Paulinus says of him: vir doctus et Malabarensibus gratus, qui eum nomine Budhi Metran, sapientis et eruditi praesulis compellebant." He has a tombstone with inscription. João Luiz Vasconcellos, also a Jesuit, was consecrated at Calicut by Bishop Clemente of Cochin in 1753 and d. at Puttencherra in 1756; the church contains his tombstome with inscription. Salvador Reis, the last of the series who resided in India, was also a Jesuit; he was consecrated by the same Bishop Clemente at Angengo on Feb., 1758, d. on 7 April, 1777, at Puttencherra and has his tombstone with inscription in the same church. Paulinus records of him "vir sanctimonia vitae praeclarus", he survived the suppression of his order. This closes the list of the bishops who have governed the See of Cranganore. Paulinus他說:VIR doctus等Malabarensibus gratus,:魁EUM NOMINE Budhi Metran,sapientis等eruditi praesulis compellebant。“他有銘文的墓碑。被祝聖若昂·路易斯·Vasconcellos,也是耶穌會士,在卡利卡特的科欽主教克萊門特在1753年的和。在Puttencherra於1756年,教堂包含他的tombstome的題詞。薩爾瓦多李嘉欣,最後居住在印度的系列產品,耶穌會士,他被祝聖的主教克萊門特在Angengo年2月,1758年, (四)1777年4月7日,在Puttencherra和他的墓碑碑文在同一個教堂。Paulinus記錄他“VIR sanctimonia簡歷praeclarus”,他活了下來,他為了抑制。關閉列表的主教一直支配著該見的cranganore。

To complete the historical account of the Syrian Malabar Church, brief mention should also be made of the line of prelates who ruled over the schismatics who eventually became Jacobites, embracing that error through their prelates: Thomas I, proclaimed a bishop by those he had led (1653) into the aforesaid schism after the imposition of the hands of twelve priests his followers and the placing on his head of a mitre and in his hand a pastoral staff.敘利亞馬拉巴爾教會要完成歷史記錄,也應作出簡短地提到該行誰統治了schismatics誰最終成為詹姆斯黨,擁抱這個錯誤,通過他們的主教的主教托馬斯:我宣布由他帶領的一個主教(1653)成的上述分裂後實施的手中十二祭司他的追隨者在他頭上的冠冕,手裡拿著教牧同工及配售。 He continued obdurate and died a sudden death in 1673.他繼續頑固不化,並在1673年突然去世死亡。 Thomas II, brother of the former, proclaimed in 1674, died eight days later struck by lighting.托馬斯II,前者的兄弟,在1674年宣布,8天后死亡擊中照明。 Thomas III, nephew of the former, received the mitre in 1676, a Jacobite.托馬斯三,侄子前,收到的冠冕戴在1676年,詹姆斯。 Thomas IV of the family, succeeded in 1676 and died in 1686, a Jacobite.托馬斯四的家庭,成功地在1676年和1686年去世,詹姆斯。 Thomas V, a nephew of the former, made every effort to obtain consecration but failed, d.托馬斯·V,一個侄子前,盡一切努力獲得的奉獻,但失敗了,D。 in 1717, a Jacobite.在1717年,詹姆斯黨。 Thomas VI received the mitre from his dying uncle and the imposition of hands of twelve priests.托馬斯六斜切從他死去的叔叔和12祭司手中的實施。 He wrote to the Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch to send bishops.他寫信給詹姆斯黨元老安提派主教。 Eventually the Dutch authorities helped him and obtained for him three bishops, on condition of his defraying the expenses.荷蘭當局最終幫助他和他的三名主教,他支付費用的情況下獲得。 Three Jacobite bishops came out to India in 1751, Mar Basil, Mar Gregory, and Mar John.三詹姆士派主教出來印度在1751年3月羅勒年3月格雷戈里,和三月約翰。 The first named died a year after arrival; the second years later consecrated Mar Thomas VI a bishop in 1772, and he assumed the name of Dionysius I. The Dutch authorities found great difficulty in obtaining payment for the expenses incurred; a suit was instituted against the Jacobites in the Travancore Rajah's court in 1775 and payment of the amount twelve thousand pounds, was obtained.首次命名去世一年後到來,第二年後祝聖主教在1772年三月托馬斯六一了,他假定的名稱狄奧尼修斯一,荷蘭當局支付的費用獲得了很大的困難,一個訴訟被提起Travancore的王爺的法院在1775年和支付的金額12000磅,jacobites在獲得。 He died in 1808.他於1808年去世。

For the long period between 1678 and 1886, the Catholic Syrians remained under the uninterrupted control of about fifteen Carmelite Bishops as vicars Apostolic.對於長時間在1678年和1886年之間,天主教敘利亞人,保持不間斷的控制下約15加爾默羅主教vicars使徒。 During this period there had often arisen severe troubles which cannot here be detailed, quarrels between Syrian and Latin Christians, agitation against the control of some bishops; over and above these the ordinary trials of controlling such a large, factious, and difficult body.在此期間經常出現嚴重的麻煩,不能在這裡詳細說明,敘利亞和拉丁美洲的基督徒,煽動對一些主教的控制;除了這些普通的試驗控制這麼大,黨的,而且很難身體之間的爭吵。 There had also been two most serious schismatical intrusions within this Syrian fold by Catholic Chaldean prelates who had come from Mesopotamia with the full connivance of the Chaldean Patriarch and against the express orders of the Roman Pontiff.也有在此敘利亞倍,由天主教加爾丁禮主教誰縱容的加爾丁禮宗主教和反對羅馬教皇的明確命令,來自美索不達米亞的兩個最嚴重的分裂的入侵。 The Carmelite had to face and surmount all these difficulties and the keep the flock in due submission to ecclesiastical regime.該carmelite不得不面對和克服所有這些困難,並保持在適當時候提交給教會政權的羊群。 Of the two instrusions, the first was that of the Chaldean Bishop Mar Roccos, who entered Malabar in 1861.在這兩個instrusions,第一個是加爾丁禮主教的3月Roccos,誰進入馬拉巴爾於1861年。 Pius IX denounced him to the faithful as an intruder, yet he met with a complacent reception in many of the churches, succeeded in stirring up the dormant hydra of schism, and caused a great agitation.比約九譴責他的信徒們作為一個入侵者,但他遇到了一個自滿接待許多的教會,成功地挑起了休眠水螅的分裂,並引起了很大的鼓動。 Fortunately for the peace of the Church he was persuaded to return to Mesopotamia within the year.幸運的是,和平的教會,他在一年內被勸返美索不達米亞。 The second, who came to Malabar in 1874, caused much greater harm, the evil effects of which seem to be permanent in the principal church of Trichur, though elsewhere in process of time those evil effects have been remedied.第二,於1874年來到馬拉巴,造成更大的傷害,邪惡的影響,在主堂的trichur似乎是永久性的,在過程中的時間,但在其他地方,那些邪惡的影響已糾正。 This was the Bishop Mellus, whom the patriarch had sent over in spite of the strict prohibition of the same pope.這是的主教邁盧什的,他們的族長送了中儘管相同的教皇嚴格禁止的。 It was only when after repeated admonitions, the pope had fixed a limit of the time after which should he continue refractory he would be excommunicated, that he yielded and sent Bishop Mellus instructions to return.只有當經過反复告誡,,教皇有固定的時間限制之後,他繼續難治,他將被逐出教會,使他屈服,並發送的的主教邁盧什的指示返回。 When the troublesome character of these people is taken into consideration it reflects great credit on the carmelite Order that the bishops in charge were successful in retaining them as a body in the unity of Holy Church.當麻煩人物,這些人是考慮到它的carmelite秩序主教負責人成功地留住他們作為一個團體在聖教會的統一體現了很大的功勞。

XVI. XVI。 Two Latin Vicars Apostolic兩拉丁語vicars使徒

The Mellusian schism, though broken by the adverse judgments of the Madras High Court, was by no means yet extinct when in the autumn of 1878 the Holy See decided on placing the Syrian Christians under separate administration, appointing two vicars Apostolic of the Latin Rite for the purpose. Mellusian分裂,雖然破的馬德拉斯高等法院不利的判決,是指尚未滅絕時,在1878年的秋天,聖決定將敘利亞基督徒單獨的管理下,委任兩名vicars使徒的拉丁儀式的目的。 These were Rev. AE Medlycott, Ph.D., Military Chaplain in the Punjab, educated in the Propaganda College, Rome, and consecrated by the Apostolic Delegate Mgr.這些人“牧師AE Medlycott,博士,軍事牧師在旁遮普邦,在宣傳學院的教育,羅馬,神聖的宗座代表經理。 A. Ajuti on 18 Dec., 1887, at Ootacamund, titular Bishop of Tricomia, appointed to the Vicariate Apostolic of Trichur; and the Rev. Charles Lavinge, SJ, former private secretary of the late Father Beckx, General of the Society, consecrated in Belgium before coming out, appointed to the See of Kottayam, later called of Changanacherry. A. Ajuti 12月18日的,1887年,在Ootacamund的,名義的主教Tricomia,任命為宗座代牧區的trichur;牧師查爾斯Lavinge,SJ,已故的父親Beckx的前私人秘書,一般的社會,奉獻在比利時前現身,任命,見果塔延,後來被稱為Changanacherry。 Under the Concordat of Leo XIII with the King of Portugal an important advantage had been gained by the suppression of the Padroado jurisdiction (Cranganore Archbishops) over the Syrian churches.根據協約的利奧十三世,葡萄牙國王已經獲得了一個重要的優勢,通過抑制對敘利亞教會的padroado管轄權(Cranganore大主教)。 The first task the new bishops had to face was to amalgamate in one harmonius whole the two sections of this Church, that which had been under the Carmelites with that which had belonged to the Goan or Padroado jurisdiction, for the two had been for long years in open antagonism.新的主教們不得不面對的第一項任務是在一個和諧的整體合併已下carmelites的果阿或padroado管轄權的屬於這個教會的兩部分,兩人已經多年,在公開的對抗性。 This union fortunately was successfully effected.好在這個聯盟成功的影響。 The other task was to establish something like a proper administration and control over the churches.另一個任務是建立適當的管理和控制的教會像。 This took longer time.這需要較長的時間。 The northern churches belonging to Trichur had not seen their prelates for perhaps a century, the two Chaldean bishops had utilized the fact to their own advantage, and the troubles caused by them in these churches can easily be imagined; but with firmness and patience a fair working administration was introduced.北部教堂屬於Trichur還沒有看到他們的主教也許是一個世紀以來,兩個加爾丁禮主教曾利用自己的優勢的事實,以及它們所造成的困擾,在這些教會可以很容易地想像,但一個公平的堅定和耐心工作管理進行了介紹。

The result may thus be briefly summed up.因此,其結果可能是簡單地概括。 The Vicariate of Trichur had a Catholic Syrian population of 108,422 with eighty-three parish churches and twenty-two chapels-of-ease, served by 118 priests of Syrian Rite, besides 23 Syrian Carmelite Tertiary monks, in two monasteries; there was also a convent of 24 native Tertiary nuns with a middle-class school of 33 girls.牧區的trichur有83個教區教堂和22教堂的輕鬆,送達118祭司敘利亞成年禮,除了23敘利亞加爾默羅第三修士,在兩間寺院的一所天主教敘利亞人口108,422,也有一個修道院的33個女孩一個中產階級的學校,與24個本土大專尼姑。 The bishop on taking charge found that there is practically no schools, except that one provided for clerics; he took early steps to open as many elementary parish schools as possible; within nine years (1888-96) the vicariate was provided with no less than 231 elementary parish schools for both sexes, educating over 12,000 children, besides a high school (St. Thomas' College), with 95 students; there was also 56 boys in St. Aloysius's High School, under the Tertiary monks.發現,幾乎沒有學校,負責除主教,牧師,他盡可能及早採取步驟來打開盡可能多的基本教區學校,九年內(1888年至1896年)的牧區提供不低於231小學教區學校男女,超過12,000名兒童教育,除了一所高中(聖托馬斯大學),有95名學生,也有56聖Aloysius的高中男生,下第三僧侶。 A catechumanate was opened, where annually about 150 heathen converts were baptized; a fine building was under construction for a suitable residence, and plans were prepared to house the above college in a handsome structure.一個catechumanate被打開了,每年約150異教徒皈依受洗;一個合適的住所,一個優美的建築正在建設中,並計劃準備一個英俊的結構,以容納大專以上。 This was the condition of things when the bishop went to Europe on sick leave.這是條件的事情時,主教前往歐洲病假。 The Vicariate of Kottayam had a Catholic population of 150,000, with 108 parish churches and 50 dependent chapels, served by a numerous clergy of over 300 priests; it had 35 Tertiary monks besides novices, in five monasteries; also three convents of native Tertiary Carmelite nuns educating girls, two orphanages under Tertiary Sisters of St. Francis, four catechumenates, two seminaries, with 96 students.的戈德亞姆牧區一個天主教人口15萬,有108個教區教堂和50個相關的小教堂,提供超過300祭司的許多神職人員,它有35個大專和尚除了新手之外,在五個寺廟,還有三個修道院的本土大專加爾默羅會修女女童接受教育,兩所孤兒院根據大專姐妹的聖弗朗西斯,4 catechumenates,神學院,有96名學生。 The higher class clerical students of both vicariates attended the central Pontifical Seminary at Puttenpally.類文書的學生都代牧區宗座學院參加了中央Puttenpally。 The parochial schools numbered 200, but the number of pupils was not published.教會學校編號為200,但學生人數沒有公佈。 There were three English Schools: Mananam, 60; Campalam, 80; and another with 20 students.有三個英文學校:Mananam,60 Campalam,80;,另一個有20名學生。

In 1895 both vicars Apostolic happened to be absent on leave.在1895年發生了兩個vicars使徒休假是不存在的。 During this period the Holy See decided on a change of regime, yielding to the wishes of the people to grant them native bishops.在此期間,羅馬教廷決定政權更替,產生的人的意願,向他們發放本土主教。

XVII. XVII。 Divided into three vicariates with native bishops分為三個代牧區原生主教

The two vicariates described above were split into three, and they were styled Trichur, Ernaculam, Changanacherry; the new vicariate was formed of the southern portion of Changanacherry.被分裂了兩個代牧區上述的三成,他們的風格Trichur,Ernaculam,Changanacherry;,新牧區成立的南部的部分Changanacherry。 The changes were carried out under Leo XIII by Brief of 28 July, 1896, "Quae Rei Sacrae".利奧十三世的變化進行了簡要7月28日,1896年,的“奎艾麗Sacrae”。 Rev. John Menacherry, as Bishop of Paralus, was appointed to Trichur.牧師約翰Menacherry,作為主教Paralus,被任命為Trichur。 Rev. Aloysius Pareparampil, titular Bishop of Tio, was appointed to Ernaculam, and Rev. Mathew Makil, Bishop of Tralles, was appointed to Changanacherry; all three received consecration from the Apostolic Delegate Mgr.氧化鈦,謝孝衍Pareparampil牧師,名譽主教被任命為Ernaculam,馬修Makil牧師,主教的Tralles,被任命為Changanacherry所有三個收到consecration從宗座代表經理。 Zaleski, at Kandy on 15 Oct., 1896.扎萊斯基,於1896年10月15日在康提。

At the time of these changes, the ecclesiastical returns of these three vicariates (1911) gave:在這些變化的時候,教會了回報,這三個代牧區(1911):

Trichur: Catholic population, 91,064; children being educated, 19,092; Ernaculam: Catholic population, 94,357; children being educated, 9950; Changanacherry: Catholic population, 134,791; children being educated, 2844. Trichur:天主教人口,91064兒童受教育,19092; Ernaculam:天主教人口,94357兒童受教育,9950; Changanacherry:天主教人口,134,791;兒童受教育,2844。

The future of this people depends very largely on education for their welfare and technical training for their development.此人的未來在很大程度上取決於在教育上為他們的福利和技術培訓,為他們的發展。

Publication information Written by AE Medlycott.出版的信息寫的AE Medlycott。 Transcribed by Mary and Joseph P. Thomas.轉錄由托馬斯馬利亞和約瑟。 In memory of Kurien Poovathumkal The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XIV.在記憶庫裡恩Poovathumkal天主教百科全書,體積十四。 Published 1912.發布時間1912年。 New York: Robert Appleton Company.紐約:羅伯特·阿普爾頓公司。 Nihil Obstat, July 1, 1912. Nihil Obstat 7月1日,1912。 Remy Lafort, STD, Censor.人頭馬lafort,性病,檢查員。 Imprimatur.的認可。 +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York +約翰法利樞機主教,大主教紐約

Bibliography 參考書目
ASSEMANI, Bibliotheca Orientalis (Rome, 1719-28); DE SOUZA, Orientale Conquistado (2 vols., Indian reprint, Examiner Press, Bombay); Gouvea, Jornada do Arcebispo Aleixo de Menezes quando foy as Serra do Malaubar (Coimbra, 1606); Fr.藏書東方ASSEMANI,(羅馬,1719年至1728年),DE SOUZA,:東方Conquistado(2卷,印度轉載,考官出版社,孟買); Gouvea,喬納達Arcebispo阿萊紹梅內塞斯何時福伊Serra做Malaubar(科英布拉,1606) ;神父。 tr. TR。 DE GLEN, Histoire Orientale etc. (Brussels, 1609); DU JARRIC, Thesaurus rerum mirabilium in India Orient (3 vols., Cologne, 1615); PAULINUS A SANTO BARTHOLOMAEO, India Orientalis Christiana (Rome, 1794); MACKENZIE, Christanity in Tranvancore, with Census Report of 1901 (Trevandrum); MEDLYCOTT, India and the Apostle St. Thomas (London, 1905). GLEN DE,歷史東方等(布魯塞爾1609);杜JARRIC,在印度東方的的詞庫r​​erum mirabilium(3卷,科隆,1615年); PAULINUS是Santo BARTHOLOMAEO,印度東方克里斯蒂娜(羅馬,1794年); MACKENZIE,Christanity在Tranvancore,與普查報告1901(Trevandrum); MEDLYCOTT,印度和使徒聖托馬斯(倫敦,1905年)。

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