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A French movement with the intent of diminishing papal authority and increasing the power of the state over the church. It was viewed as heretical by the Roman Catholic Church. Its earliest exponents were the fourteenth century Franciscans William of Ockham, John of Jandun, and Marsilius of Padua. Marsilius's writings helped to cause the schism in the church which resulted in two rival popes (1275-1342). Conciliarism, an early form of Gallicanism, was the attempt to patch up the breach between the opposing factions in the Catholic Church. In the conciliar spirit a church council's authority would prevail over the edicts of any pope. The Council of Constance (1414-18) adopted conciliarism as a stance, hoping that it would permit the election of a pope acceptable to both Catholic factions. John Gerson (1363-1429) and Peter d'Ailly (1350-1420) were influential figures in the development of Gallicanism during the early fifteenth century.

Thus far Gallicanism had remained an ecclesiastical affair, but in 1594 Pierre Pithou brought it into the secular political arena. Pithou, a Parisian lawyer, wrote The Liberties of the Gallican Church that year. The Gallican Liberties, as Pithou's proposals came to be called, infringed on the traditional rights of the papacy in favor of increased governmental power over the church. The liberties explicitly claimed royal authority to assemble councils and make church law. They crippled communication between the pope and his bishops in France: the bishops were made subject to the French sovereign, they were prevented from traveling to Rome, papal legates were denied visits to the French bishops, and any communication with the pope without express royal consent was prohibited. Furthermore, publication of papal decrees in France was made subject to royal approval, and any papal decision could lawfully be appealed to a future council.

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In 1663 the Sorbonne endorsed Gallicanism. Bossuet drew up the Gallican Articles, published by the Assembly of the Clergy in 1682. These attempted to clarify the theological justification of the Gallican Liberties by appealing to the conciliar theory and reasoning that Christ gave Peter and the popes spiritual authority but not temporal. In support of the conciliar theory Bossuet attributed direct authority from Christ to the ecclesiastical councils. He declared that papal decisions could be reversed until they were ratified by the whole church, and he advocated faithfulness to the traditions of the Church of France (significantly, not the Church of Rome). The Gallican Articles became an obligatory part of the curriculum in every French school of theology, and the movement flourished during the seventeenth century. The French Revolution struck a fatal blow to Gallicanism near the end of the next century by forcing the French clergy to turn to Rome for help when they, along with the government, came under attack. Eventually the movement died out.

P A Mickey
(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary)

A. Barry, "Bossuet and the Gallican Declaration of 1682," CHR 9:143-53; C.B. du Chesnay, NCE; F.P. Drouet, "Gallicanism," The New Catholic Dictionary; J.A. Hardon, Modern Catholic Dictionary, 225; W. H. Jervis, The Gallican Church and the Revolution.

Gallic Confession

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The Gallic Confession was a French Protestant statement of religious belief. Protestantism began to take hold during the second and third quarters of the sixteenth century, mainly under the sponsorship of Calvin's Geneva. In 1555 a congregation was organized in Paris, holding regular services and having a formal organization; and during the years immediately following, similar groups sprang up elsewhere in France. In May, 1559, representatives of these congregations met in Paris under the moderatorship of Francois de Morel, the local pastor, for their first national synod, at which a system of church discipline was approved. This assembly received from Geneva a draft confession of faith in thirty-five articles and expanded it into forty. These articles began with the Triune God, revealed in his written Word, the Bible. Then they affirmed adherence to the three ecumenical creeds, Apostles', Nicene, and Athanasian, "because they are in accordance with the Word of God." Then they proceeded to expound basic Protestant beliefs: man's corruption through sin, Jesus Christ's essential deity and vicarious atonement, justification by grace through faith, the gift of the regenerating Holy Spirit, the divine origin of the church and its two sacraments of baptism and the Lord's Supper, and the place of the political state as ordained by God "for the order and peace of society." They asserted the doctrine of predestination in a moderate form.

This revamped confession was adopted by the synod, and in 1560 a copy was presented to King Francis II with a plea for tolerance for its adherents. At the seventh national synod, held at La Rochelle in 1571, this Gallic Confession was revised and reaffirmed. It remained the official confessional statement of French Protestantism for over four centuries.

N V Hope

(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary)

A.C. Cochrane, Reformed Confessions of the Sixteenth Century; P. Schaff, The Creeds of Christendom, I, 490-98.

The Four Gallican Articles

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Drawn up at a specially convened assembly of the French bishops at Paris in March, 1682, these articles sought to delineate as clearly as possible the respective powers of popes, kings, and bishops in the French Catholic Church. The immediate occasion for this gathering was a dispute that had broken out between the French king Louis XIV and Pope Innocent XI, concerning the right of nomination to vacant bishoprics and the disposition of their revenues. The 1682 assembly adopted four proposals drafted by Bossuet, Bishop of Meaux, on the basis of an earlier pronouncement of the theological faculty at the Sorbonne. These articles declared: (1) that popes have no control over matters temporal, that kings are not subject to any ecclesiastical authority in civil affairs, that kings could not legitimately be deposed by the church, and that their subjects could not be released from their political allegiance by any papal decree; (2) that the papacy is subject to the authority of general councils of the church, as decreed by the Council of Constance (1414-18); (3) that papal authority must be exercised with due respect for local and national church usages and customs; (4) that, though the pope has "the principal part in questions of faith," pending the consent of a general council, his judgments are not irreformable.

The articles, a classic expression of Gallicanism, i.e., French national Catholicism, were ordered by Louis XIV to be taught in all French universities; but since they were not acceptable to the papacy, a number of French bishoprics remained vacant for years. In 1693 Pope Alexander VIII allowed the French king to retain the revenues from vacant bishoprics, in return for abandonment of the Gallican Articles; but they continued to be taught in France throughout the eighteenth century.

N V Hope
(Elwell Evangelical Dictionary)

W. H. Jervis, The Gallican Church; S. Z. Ehler and J. B. Morrall, Church and State Through the Centuries; A. Galton, Church and State in France, 1300-1907.


Catholic Information

This term is used to designate a certain group of religious opinions for some time peculiar to the Church of France, or Gallican Church, and the theological schools of that country. These opinions, in opposition to the ideas which were called in France "Ultramontane", tended chiefly to a restraint of the pope's authority in the Church in favour of that of the bishops and the temporal ruler. It is important, however, to remark at the outset that the warmest and most accredited partisans of Gallican ideas by no means contested the pope's primacy in the Church, and never claimed for their ideas the force of articles of faith. They aimed only at making it clear that their way of regarding the authority of the pope seemed to them more in conformity with Holy Scripture and tradition. At the same time, their theory did not, as they regarded it, transgress the limits of free opinions, which it is allowable for any theological school to choose for itself provided that the Catholic Creed be duly accepted.

General Notions

Nothing can better serve the purpose of presenting an exposition at once exact and complete of the Gallican ideas than a summary of the famous Declaration of the Clergy of France of 1682. Here, for the first time, those ideas are organized into a system, and receive their official and definitive formula. Stripped of the arguments which accompany it, the doctrine of the Declaration reduces to the following four articles:

St. Peter and the popes, his successors, and the Church itself have received dominion [puissance] from God only over things spiritual and such as concern salvation and not over things temporal and civil. Hence kings and sovereigns are not by God's command subject to any ecclesiastical dominion in things temporal; they cannot be deposed, whether directly or indirectly, by the authority of the rulers of the Church, their subjects cannot be dispensed from that submission and obedience which they owe, or absolved from the oath of allegiance.

The plenitude of authority in things spiritual, which belongs to the Holy See and the successors of St. Peter, in no wise affects the permanence and immovable strength of the decrees of the Council of Constance contained in the fourth and fifth sessions of that council, approved by the Holy See, confirmed by the practice of the whole Church and the Roman pontiff, and observed in all ages by the Gallican Church. That Church does not countenance the opinion of those who cast a slur on those decrees, or who lessen their force by saying that their authority is not well established, that they are not approved or that they apply only to the period of the schism.

The exercise of this Apostolic authority [puissance] must also be regulated in accordance with the canons made by the Spirit of God and consecrated by the respect of the whole world. The rules, customs and constitutions received within the kingdom and the Gallican Church must have their force and their effect, and the usages of our fathers remain inviolable since the dignity of the Apostolic See itself demands that the laws and customs established by consent of that august see and of the Churches be constantly maintained.

Although the pope have the chief part in questions of faith, and his decrees apply to all the Churches, and to each Church in particular, yet his judgment is not irreformable, at least pending the consent of the Church.

According to the Gallican theory, then, the papal primacy was limited, first, by the temporal power of princes, which, by the Divine will, was inviolable; secondly by the authority of the general council and that of the bishops, who alone could, by their assent, give to his decrees that infallible authority which, of themselves, they lacked; lastly, by the canons and customs of particular Churches, which the pope was bound to take into account when he exercised his authority.

But Gallicanism was more than pure speculation. It reacted from the domain of theory into that of facts. The bishops and magistrates of France used it, the former as warrant for increased power in the government of dioceses, the latter to extend their jurisdiction so as to cover ecclesiastical affairs. Moreover, there was an episcopal and political Gallicanism, and a parliamentary or judicial Gallicanism. The former lessened the doctrinal authority of the pope in favour of that of the bishops, to the degree marked by the Declaration of 1682; the latter, affecting the relations of the temporal and spiritual powers, tended to augment the rights of the State more and more, to the prejudice of those of the Church, on the grounds of what they called "the Liberties of the Gallican Church" (Libertes de l'Eglise Gallicane).

These Liberties, which are enumerated in a collection, or corpus, drawn up by the jurisconsults Guy Coquille and Pierre Pithou, were, according to the latter, eighty-three in number. Besides the four articles cited above, which were incorporated, the following may be noted as among the more important: The Kings of France had the right to assemble councils in their dominions, and to make laws and regulations touching ecclesiastical matters. The pope's legates could not be sent into France, or exercise their power within that kingdom, except at the king's request or with his consent. Bishops, even when commanded by the pope, could not go out of the kingdom without the king's consent. The royal officers could not be excommunicated for any act performed in the discharge of their official duties. The pope could not authorize the alienation of any landed estate of the Churches, or the diminishing of any foundations. His Bulls and Letters might not be executed without the Pareatis of the king or his officers. He could not issue dispensations to the prejudice of the laudable customs and statutes of the cathedral Churches. It was lawful to appeal from him to a future council, or to have recourse to the "appeal as from an abuse" (appel comme d'abus) against acts of the ecclesiastical power.

Parliamentary Gallicanism, therefore, was of much wider scope than episcopal; indeed, it was often disavowed by the bishops of France, and about twenty of them condemned Pierre Pithou's book when a new edition of it was published, in 1638, by the brothers Dupuy.

Origin and History

The Declaration of 1682 and the work of Pithou codified the principles of Gallicanism, but did not create them. We have to inquire, then, how there came to be formed in the bosom of the Church of France a body of doctrines and practices which tended to isolate it, and to impress upon it a physiognomy somewhat exceptional in the Catholic body. Gallicans have held that the reason of this phenomenon is to be found in the very origin and history of Gallicanism.

For the more moderate among them, Gallican ideas and liberties were simply privileges -- concessions made by the popes, who had been quite willing to divest themselves of a part of their authority in favour of the bishops or kings or France. It was thus that the latter could lawfully stretch their powers in ecclesiastical matters beyond the normal limits. This idea made its appearance as early as the reign of Philip the Fair, in some of the protests of that monarch against the policy of Boniface VIII. In the view of some partisans of the theory, the popes had always thought fit to show especial consideration for the ancient customs of the Gallican Church, which in every age had distinguished itself by its exactitude in the preservation of the Faith and the maintenance of ecclesiastical discipline. Others, again, assigned a more precise date to the granting of these concessions, referring their origin to the period of the earliest Carlovingians and explaining them somewhat differently. They said that the popes had found it impossible to recall to their allegiance and to due respect for ecclesiastical discipline the Frankish lords who had possessed themselves of episcopal sees; that these lords, insensible to censures and anathemas, rude and untaught, recognized no authority but that of force; and that the popes had, therefore, granted to Carloman, Pepin, and Charles the Great a spiritual authority which they were to exercise only under papal control. It was this authority that the Kings of France, successors of these princes, had inherited. This theory comes into collision with difficulties so serious as to have caused its rejection as well by the majority of Gallicans as by their Ultramontane adversaries. The former by no means admitted that the Liberties were privileges since a privilege can be revoked by him who has granted it; and, as they regarded the matter, these Liberties could not be touched by any pope. Moreover, they added, the Kings of France have at times received from the popes certain clearly defined privileges; these privileges have never been confounded with the Gallican Liberties. As a matter of fact, historians could have told them, the privileges accorded by popes to the King of France in the course of centuries are known from the texts, of which an authentic collection could be compiled, and there is nothing in them resembling the Liberties in question. Again, why should not these Gallican Liberties have been transmitted to the German Emperors as well since they, too, were the heirs of Pepin and Charlemagne? Besides, the Ultramontanes pointed out there are some privileges which the pope himself could not grant. Is it conceivable that a pope should allow any group of bishops the privilege of calling his infallibility in question, putting his doctrinal decisions upon trial, to be accepted or rejected? -- or grant any kings the privilege of placing his primacy under tutelage by suppressing or curtailing his liberty of communication with the faithful in a certain territory?

Most of its partisans regarded Gallicanism rather as a revival of the most ancient traditions of Christianity, a persistence of the common law, which law, according to some (Pithou, Quesnel), was made up of the conciliar decrees of the earliest centuries or, according to others (Marca, Bossuet), of canons of the general and local councils, and the decretals, ancient and modern, which were received in France or conformable to their usage. "Of all Christian countries", says Fleury, "France has been the most careful to conserve the liberty of her Church and oppose the novelties introduced by Ultramontane canonists". The Liberties were so called, because the innovations constituted conditions of servitude with which the popes had burdened the Church, and their legality resulted from the fact that the extension given by the popes to their own primacy was founded not upon Divine institution, but upon the false Decretals. If we are to credit these authors, what the Gallicans maintained in 1682 was not a collection of novelties, but a body of beliefs as old as the Church, the discipline of the first centuries. The Church of France had upheld and practised them at all times; the Church Universal had believed and practised them of old, until about the tenth century; St. Louis had supported, but not created, them by the Pragmatic Sanction; the Council of Constance had taught them with the pope's approbation. Gallican ideas, then, must have had no other origin than that of Christian dogma and ecclesiastical discipline. It is for history to tell us what these assertions of the Gallican theorists were worth.

To the similarity of the historical vicissitudes through which they passed, their common political allegiance, and the early appearance of a national sentiment, the Churches of France owed it that they very soon formed an individual, compact, and homogeneous body. From the end of the fourth century the popes themselves recognized this solidarity. It was to the "Gallican" bishops that Pope Damasus -- as M. Babut seems to have demonstrated recently -- addressed the most ancient decretal which has been preserved to our times. Two centuries later St. Gregory the Great pointed out the Gallican Church to his envoy Augustine, the Apostle of England, as one of those whose customs he might accept as of equal stability with those of the Roman Church or of any other whatsoever. But already -- if we are to believe the young historian just mentioned -- a Council of Turin, at which bishops of the Gauls assisted, had given the first manifestation of Gallican sentiment. Unfortunately for M. Babut's thesis, all the significance which he attaches to this council depends upon the date, 417, ascribed to it by him, on the mere strength of a personal conjecture, in opposition to the most competent historians. Besides, It is not at all plain how a council of the Province of Milan is to be taken as representing the ideas of the Gallican Church.

In truth, that Church, during the Merovingian period, testifies the same deference to the Holy See as do all the others. Ordinary questions of discipline are in the ordinary course settled in councils, often held with the assent of the kings, but on great occasions -- at the Councils of Epaone (517), of Vaison (529), of Valence (529), of Orléans (538), of Tours (567) -- the bishops do not fail to declare that they are acting under the impulse of the Holy See, or defer to its admonitions; they take pride in the approbation of the pope; they cause his name to be read aloud in the churches, just as is done in Italy and in Africa they cite his decretals as a source of ecclesiastical law; they show indignation at the mere idea that anyone should fail in consideration for them. Bishops condemned in councils -- like Salonius of Embrun Sagitarius of Gap, Contumeliosus of Riez -- have no difficulty in appealing to the pope, who, after examination, either confirms or rectifies the sentence pronounced against them. The accession of the Carlovingian dynasty is marked by a splendid act of homage paid in France to the power of the papacy: before assuming the title of king, Pepin makes a point of securing the assent of Pope Zachary. Without wishing to exaggerate the significance of this act, the bearing of which the Gallicans have done every thing to minimize, one may be permitted to see in it the evidence that, even before Gregory VII, public opinion in France was not hostile to the intervention of the pope in political affairs. From that time on, the advances of the Roman primacy find no serious opponents in France before Hincmar, the famous Archbishop of Reims, in whom some have been willing to see the very founder of Gallicanism. It is true that with him there already appears the idea that the pope must limit his activity to ecclesiastical matters, and not intrude in those pertaining to the State, which concern kings only; that his supremacy is bound to respect the prescriptions of the ancient canons and the privileges of the Churches; that his decretals must not be placed upon the same footing as the canons of the councils. But it appears that we should see here the expression of passing feelings, inspired by the particular circumstances, much rather than a deliberate opinion maturely conceived and conscious of its own meaning. The proof of this is in the fact that Hincmar himself, when his claims to the metropolitan dignity are not in question, condemns very sharply, though at the risk of self-contradiction, the opinion of those who think that the king is subject only to God, and he makes it his boast to "follow the Roman Church whose teachings", he says quoting the famous words of Innocent I, "are imposed upon all men". His attitude, at any rate, stands out as an isolated accident; the Council of Troyes (867) proclaims that no bishop can be deposed without reference to the Holy See, and the Council of Douzy (871), although held under the influence of Hincmar condemns the Bishop of Laon only under reserve of the rights of the pope.

With the first Capets the secular relations between the pope and the Gallican Church appeared to be momentarily strained. At the Councils of Saint-Basle de Verzy (991) and of Chelles (c. 993), in the discourses of Arnoul, Bishop of Orléans, in the letters of Gerbert, afterwards Pope Sylvester II, sentiments of violent hostility to the Holy See are manifested, and an evident determination to elude the authority in matters of discipline which had until then been recognized as belonging to it. But the papacy at that period, given over to the tyranny of Crescentius and other local barons, was undergoing a melancholy obscuration. When it regained its independence, its old authority in France came back to it, the work of the Councils of Saint-Basle and of Chelles was undone; princes like Hugh Capet, bishops like Gerbert, held no attitude but that of submission. It has been said that during the early Capetian period the pope was more powerful in France than he had ever been. Under Gregory VII the pope's legates traversed France from north to south, they convoked and presided over numerous councils, and, in spite of sporadic and incoherent acts of resistance, they deposed bishops and excommunicated princes just as in Germany and Spain In the following two centuries Gallicanism is even yet unborn; the pontifical power attains its apogee in France as elsewhere, St. Bernard, then the standard bearer of the University of Paris, and St. Thomas outline the theory of that power, and their opinion is that of the school in accepting the attitude of Gregory VII and his successors in regard to delinquent princes, St. Louis, of whom it has been sought to make a patron of the Gallican system, is still ignorant of it -- for the fact is now established that the Pragmatic Sanction, long attributed to him was a wholesale fabrication put together (about 1445) in the purlieus of the Royal Chancellery of Charles VII to lend countenance to the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges.

At the opening of the fourteenth century, however, the conflict between Philip the Fair and Boniface VIII brings out the first glimmerings of the Gallican ideas. That king does not confine himself to maintaining that, as sovereign he is sole and independent master of his temporalities; he haughtily proclaims that, in virtue of the concession made by the pope, with the assent of a general council to Charlemagne and his successors, he has the right to dispose of vacant ecclesiastical benefices. With the consent of the nobility, the Third Estate, and a great part of the clergy, he appeals in the matter from Boniface VIII to a future general council -- the implication being that the council is superior to the pope. The same ideas and others still more hostile to the Holy See reappear in the struggle of Fratricelles and Louis of Bavaria against John XXII; they are expressed by the pens of William Occam, of John of Jandun, and of Marsilius of Padua, professors in the University of Paris. Among other things, they deny the Divine origin of the papal primacy, and subject the exercise of it to the good pleasure of the temporal ruler. Following the pope, the University of Paris condemned these views; but for all that they did not entirely disappear from the memory, or from the disputations, of the schools, for the principal work of Marsilius, "Defensor Pacis", wax translated into French in 1375, probably by a professor of the University of Paris The Great Schism reawakened them suddenly. The idea of a council naturally suggested itself as a means of terminating that melancholy rending asunder of Christendom. Upon that idea was soon grafted the "conciliary theory", which sets the council above the pope, making it the sole representative of the Church, the sole organ of infallibility. Timidly sketched by two professors of the University of Paris, Conrad of Gelnhausen and Henry of Langenstein, this theory was completed and noisily interpreted to the public by Pierre d'Ailly and Gerson. At the same time the clergy of France, disgusted with Benedict XIII, took upon itself to withdraw from his obedience. It was in the assembly which voted on this measure (1398) that for the first time there was any question of bringing back the Church of France to its ancient liberties and customs -- of giving its prelates once more the right of conferring and disposing of benefices. The same idea comes into the foreground in the claims put, forward in 1406 by another assembly of the French clergy; to win the votes of the assembly, certain orators cited the example of what was happening in England. M. Haller has concluded from this that these so-called Ancient Liberties were of English origin, that the Gallican Church really borrowed them from its neighbour, only imagining them to be a revival of its own past. This opinion does not seem well founded. The precedents cited by M. Haller go back to the parliament held at Carlisle in 1307, at which date the tendencies of reaction against papa reservations had already manifested themselves in the assemblies convoked by Philip the Fair in 1302 and 1303. The most that we can admit is, that the same ideas received parallel development from both sides of the channel.

Together with the restoration of the "Ancient Liberties" the assembly of the clergy in 1406 intended to maintain the superiority of the council to the pope, and the fallibility of the latter. However widely they may have been accepted at the time, these were only individual opinions or opinions of a school, when the Council of Constance came to give them the sanction of its high authority. In its fourth and fifth sessions it declared that the council represented the Church that every person, no matter of what dignity, even the pope, was bound to obey it in what concerned the extirpation of the schism and the reform of the Church; that even the pope, if he resisted obstinately, might be constrained by process of law to obey It in the above-mentioned points. This was the birth or, if we prefer to call it so, the legitimation of Gallicanism. So far we had encountered in the history of the Gallican Church recriminations of malcontent bishops, or a violent gesture of some prince discomforted in his avaricious designs; but these were only fits of resentment or ill humor, accidents with no attendant consequences; this time the provisions made against exercise of the pontifical authority took to themselves a body and found a fulcrum. Gallicanism has implanted itself in the minds of men as a national doctrine e and it only remains to apply it in practice. This is to be the work of the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges. In that instrument the clergy of France inserted the articles of Constance repeated at Basle, and upon that warrant assumed authority to regulate the collation of benefices and the temporal administration of the Churches on the sole basis of the common law, under the king's patronage, and independently of the pope's action. From Eugene IV to Leo X the popes did not cease to protest against the Pragmatic Sanction, until it was replaced by the Concordat of 1516. But, if its provisions disappeared from the laws of France, the principles it embodied for a time none the less continued to inspire the schools of theology and parliamentary jurisprudence. Those principles even appeared at the Council of Trent, where the ambassadors, theologians, and bishops of France repeatedly championed them, notably when the questions for decision were as to whether episcopal jurisdiction comes immediately from God or through the pope, whether or not the council ought to ask confirmation of its decrees from the sovereign pontiff, etc. Then again, it was in the name of the Liberties of the Gallican Church that a part of the clergy and the Parlementaires opposed the publication of that same council; and the crown decided to detach from it and publish what seemed good, in the form of ordinances emanating from the royal authority.

Nevertheless, towards the end of the sixteenth century, the reaction against the Protestant denial of all authority to the pope and, above all, the triumph of the League had enfeebled Gallican convictions in the minds of the clergy, if not of the parliament. But the assassination of Henry IV, which was exploited to move public opinion against Ultramontanism and the activity of Edmond Richer, syndic of the Sorbonne, brought about, at the beginning of the seventeenth century, a strong revival of Gallicanism, which was thenceforward to continue gaining in strength from day to day. In 1663 the Sorbonne solemnly declared that it admitted no authority of the pope over the king's temporal dominion, nor his superiority to a general council, nor infallibility apart from the Church's consent. In 1682 matters were much worse. Louis XIV having decided to extend to all the Churches of his kingdom the regale, or right of receiving the revenue of vacant sees, and of conferring the sees themselves at his pleasure, Pope Innocent XI strongly opposed the king's designs. Irritated by this resistance, the king assembled the clergy of France and, on 19 March, 1682, the thirty-six prelates and thirty-four deputies of the second order who constituted that assembly adopted the four articles recited above and transmitted them to all the other bishops and archbishops of France. Three days later the king commanded the registration of the articles in all the schools and faculties of theology; no one could even be admitted to degrees in theology without having maintained this doctrine in one of his theses and it was forbidden to write anything against them. The Sorbonne, however, yielded to the ordinance of registration only after a spirited resistance. Pope Innocent XI testified his displeasure by the Rescript of 11 April, 1682, in which he voided and annulled all that the assembly had done in regard to the regale, as well as all the consequences of that action; he also refused Bulls to all members of the assembly who were proposed for vacant bishoprics. In like manner his successor Alexander VIII by a Constitution dated 4 August, 1690, quashed as detrimental to the Holy See the proceedings both in the matter of the regale and in that of the declaration on the ecclesiastical power and jurisdiction, which had been prejudicial to the clerical estate and order. The bishops designate to whom Bulls had been refused received them at length, in 1693, only after addressing to Pope Innocent XII a letter in which they disavowed everything that had been decreed in that assembly in regard to the ecclesiastical power and the pontifical authority. The king himself wrote to the pope (14 September, 1693) to announce that a royal order had been issued against the execution of the edict of 23 March, 1682. In spite of these disavowals, the Declaration of 1682 remained thenceforward the living symbol of Gallicanism, professed by the great majority of the French clergy, obligatorily defended in the faculties of theology, schools, and seminaries, guarded from the lukewarmness of French theologians and the attacks of foreigners by the inquisitorial vigilance of the French parliaments, which never failed to condemn to suppression every work that seemed hostile to the principles of the Declaration.

From France Gallicanism spread, about the middle of the eighteenth century, into the Low Countries, thanks to the works of the jurisconsult Van-Espen. Under the pseudonym of Febronius, Hontheim introduced it into Germany where it took the forms of Febronianism and Josephism. The Council of Pistoia (1786) even tried to acclimatize it in Italy. But its diffusion was sharply arrested by the Revolution, which took away its chief support by overturning the thrones of kings. Against the Revolution that drove them out and wrecked their sees, nothing was left to the bishops of France but to link themselves closely with the Holy See. After the Concordat of 1801 -- itself the most dazzling manifestation of the pope's supreme power -- French Governments made some pretence of reviving, in the Organic Articles, the "Ancient Gallican Liberties" and the obligation of teaching the articles of 1682, but ecclesiastical Gallicanism was never again resuscitated except in the form of a vague mistrust of Rome. On the fall of Napoleon and the Bourbons, the work of Lamennais, of "L'Avenir" and other publications devoted to Roman ideas, the influence of Dom Guéranger, and the effects of religious teaching ever increasingly deprived it of its partisans. When the Vatican Council opened, in 1869, it had in France only timid defenders. When that council declared that the pope has in the Church the plenitude of jurisdiction in matters of faith, morals discipline, and administration that his decisions ex cathedra. are of themselves, and without the assent of he Church, infallible and irreformable, it dealt Gallicanism a mortal blow. Three of the four articles were directly condemned. As to the remaining one, the first, the council made no specific declaration; but an important indication of the Catholic doctrine was given in the condemnation fulminated by Pius IX against the 24th proposition of the Syllabus, in which it was asserted that the Church cannot have recourse to force and is without any temporal authority, direct or indirect. Leo XIII shed more direct light upon the question in his Encyclical "Immortale Dei" (12 November, 1885), where we read: "God has apportioned the government of the human race between two powers, the ecclesiastical and the civil, the former set over things divine, the latter over things human. Each is restricted within limits which are perfectly determined and defined in conformity with its own nature and special aim. There is therefore, as it were a circumscribed sphere in which each exercises its functions jure proprio". And in the Encyclical "Sapientiae Christianae" (10 January, 1890), the same pontiff adds: "The Church and the State have each its own power, and neither of the two powers is subject to the other." Stricken to death, as a free opinion, by the Council of the Vatican, Gallicanism could survive only as a heresy; the Old Catholics have endeavoured to keep it alive under this form. Judging by the paucity of the adherents whom they have recruited -- daily becoming fewer -- in Germany and Switzerland, it seems very evident that the historical evolution of these ideas has reached its completion.

Critical Examination

The principal force of Gallicanism always was that which it drew from the external circumstances in which it arose and grew up: the difficulties of the Church, torn by schism; the encroachments of the civil authorities; political turmoil; the interested support of the kings of France. None the less does it seek to establish its own right to exist, and to legitimize its attitude towards the theories of the schools. There is no denying that it has had in its service a long succession of theologians and jurists who did much to assure its success. At the beginning, its first advocates were Pierre d'Ailly and Gerson, whose somewhat daring theories, reflecting the then prevalent disorder of ideas, were to triumph in the Council of Constance. In the sixteenth century Almain and Major make but a poor figure in contrast with Torquemada and Cajetan, the leading theorists of pontifical primacy. But in the seventeenth century the Gallican doctrine takes its revenge with Richer and Launoy, who throw as much passion as science into their efforts to shake the work of Bellarmine, the most solid edifice ever raised in defence of the Church's constitution and the papal supremacy. Pithou, Dupuy, and Marca edited texts or disinterred from archives the judicial monuments best calculated to support parliamentary Gallicanism. After 1682 the attack and defence of Gallicanism were concentrated almost entirely upon the four Articles. While Charlas in his anonymous treatise on the Liberties of the Catholic Church, d'Aguirre, in his "Auctoritas infallibilis et summa sancti Petri", Rocaberti, in his treatise "De Romani pontificis auctoritate", Sfondrato, in his "Gallia vindicata", dealt severe blows at the doctrine of the Declaration, Alexander Natalis and Ellies Dupin searched ecclesiastical history for titles on which to support it. Bossuet carried on the defence at once on the ground of theology and of history. In his "Defensio declarationis", which was not to see the light of day until 1730, he discharged his task with equal scientific power and moderation. Again Gallicanism was ably combatted in the works of Muzzarelli, Bianchi, and Ballerini, and upheld in those of Durand de Maillane, La Luzerne, Maret and Döllinger. But the strife is prolonged beyond its interest; except for the bearing of some few arguments on either side, nothing that is altogether new, after all, is adduced for or against, and it may be said that with Bossuet's work Gallicanism had reached its full development, sustained its sharpest assaults, and exhibited its most efficient means of defence.

Those means are well known. For the absolute independence of the civil power, affirmed in the first Article, Gallicans drew their argument from the proposition that the theory of indirect power, accepted by Bellarmine, is easily reducible to that of direct power, which he did not accept. That theory was a novelty introduced into the Church by Gregory VII; until his time the Christian peoples and the popes had suffered injustice from princes without asserting for themselves the right to revolt or to excommunicate. As for the superiority of councils over popes, as based upon the decrees of the Council of Constance, the Gallicans essayed to defend it chiefly by appealing to the testimony of history which, according to them, shows that general councils have never been dependent on the popes, but had been considered the highest authority for the settlement of doctrinal disputes or the establishment of disciplinary regulations. The third Article was supported by the same arguments or upon the declarations of the popes. It is true that that Article made respect for the canons a matter rather of high propriety than of obligation for the Holy See. Besides, the canons alleged were among those that had been established with the consent of the pope and of the Churches, the plenitude of the pontifical jurisdiction was therefore safeguarded and Bossuet pointed out that this article had called forth hardly any protests from the adversaries of Gallicanism. It was not so with the fourth Article, which implied a negation of papal infallibility. Resting chiefly on history, the whole Gallican argument reduced to the position that the Doctors of the Church -- St. Cyprian, St. Augustine, St. Basil, St. Thomas, and the rest -- had not known pontifical infallibility; that pronouncements emanating from the Holy See had been submitted to examination by councils; that popes -- Liberius, Honorius, Zosimus, and others -- had promulgated erroneous dogmatic decisions. Only the line of popes, the Apostolic See, was infallible; but each pope, taken individually, was liable to error.

This is not the place to discuss the force of this line of argument, or set forth the replies which it elicited; such an enquiry will more appropriately form part of the article devoted to the primacy of the Roman See. Without involving ourselves in technical developments, however, we may call attention to the weakness, of the Scriptural scaffolding upon which Gallicanism supported its fabric. Not only was it opposed by the luminous clearness of Christ's words -- "Thou art Peter, and upon this rock will I build My Church"; "I have prayed for thee, Peter, that thy faith fail not . . . confirm thy brethren" -- but it finds nothing in Scripture which could warrant the doctrine of the supremacy of council or the distinction between the line of popes and the individuals -- the Sedes and the Sedens. Supposing there were any doubt of Christ's having promised infallibility to Peter, it is perfectly certain that He did not promise it to the council, or to the See of Rome, neither of which is named in the Gospel. The pretension implied in Gallicanism -- that only the schools and the churches of France possessed the truth as to the pope's authority, that they had been better able than any others to defend themselves against the encroachments of Rome -- was insulting to the sovereign pontiff and invidious to the other churches. It does not belong to one part of the Church to decide what council is oecumenical, and what is not. By what right was this honour refused in France to the Councils of Florence (1439) and the Lateran (1513), and accorded to that of Constance? Why, above all, should we attribute to the decision of this council, which was only a temporary expedient to escape from a deadlock, the force of a general principle, a dogmatic decree? And moreover, at the time when these decisions were taken, the council presented neither the character, nor the conditions, nor the authority of a general synod; it is not clear that among the majority of the members there was present any intention of formulating a dogmatic definition, nor is it proved that the approbation given by Martin V to some of the decrees extended to these. Another characteristic which is apt to diminish one's respect for Gallican ideas is their appearance of having been too much influenced, originally and evolutionally, by interested motives. Suggested by theologians who were under bonds to the emperors, accepted as an expedient to restore the unity of the Church, they had never been more loudly proclaimed than in the course of the conflicts which arose between popes and kings, and then always for the advantage of the latter. In truth they savoured too much of a courtly bias. "The Gallican Liberties", Joseph de Maistre has said, "are but a fatal compact signed by the Church of France, in virtue of which she submitted to the outrages of the Parliament on condition of being allowed to pass them on to the sovereign pontiff". The history of the assembly of 1682 is not such as to give the lie to this severe judgment. It was a Gallican -- no other than Baillet -- who wrote: "The bishops who served Philip the Fair were upright in heart and seemed to be actuated by a genuine, if somewhat too vehement, zeal for the rights of the Crown; whereas among those whose advice Louis XIV followed there were some who, under pretext of the public welfare, only sought to avenge themselves, by oblique and devious methods, on those whom they regarded as the censors of their conduct and their sentiments."

Even apart from every other consideration, the practical consequences to which Gallicanism led, and the way in which the State turned it to account should suffice to wean Catholics from it forever. It was Gallicanism which allowed the Jansenists condemned by popes to elude their sentences on the plea that these had not received the assent of the whole episcopate. It was in the name of Gallicanism that the kings of France impeded the publication of the pope's instructions, and forbade the bishops to hold provincial councils or to write against Jansenism -- or at any rate, to publish charges without endorsement of the chancellor. Bossuet himself, prevented from publishing a charge against Richard Simon, was forced to complain that they wished "to put all the bishops under the yoke in the essential matter of their ministry, which is the Faith". Alleging the Liberties of the Gallican Church, the French Parliaments admitted appels comme d'abus against bishops who were guilty of condemning Jansenism, or of admitting into their Breviaries the Office of St. Gregory, sanctioned by Rome; and on the same general principle they caused pastoral letters to be burned by the common executioner, or condemned to imprisonment or exile priests whose only crime was that of refusing the sacraments and Christian burial to Jansenists in revolt against the most solemn pronouncements of the Holy See. Thanks to these "Liberties", the jurisdiction and the discipline of the Church were almost entirely in the hands of the civil power, and Fénelon gave a fair idea of them when he wrote in one of his letters: "In practice the king is more our head than the pope, in France -- Liberties against the pope, servitude in relation to the king -The king's authority over the Church devolves upon the lay judges -- The laity dominate the bishops". And Fénelon had not seen the Constituent Assembly of 1790 assume, from Gallican principles, authority to demolish completely the Constitution of the Church of France. For there is not one article of that melancholy Constitution that did not find its inspiration in the writings of Gallican jurists and theologians. We may be excused the task of here entering into any lengthy proof of this; indeed the responsibility which Gallicanism has to bear in the sight of history and of Catholic doctrine is already only too heavy.

Publication information Written by Antoine Degert. Transcribed by Gerard Haffner. The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VI. Published 1909. New York: Robert Appleton Company. Nihil Obstat, September 1, 1909. Remy Lafort, Censor. Imprimatur. +John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York

The Gallican Rite

Catholic Information

This subject will be treated under the following six heads:

I. History and Origin;

II. Manuscripts and Other Sources;

III. The Liturgical Year;

IV. The Divine Office;

V. The Mass;

VI. The Occasional Services.


The name Gallican Rite is given to the rite which prevailed in Gaul from the earliest times of which we have any information until about the middle or end of the eighth century. there is no information before the fifth century and very little then; and throughout the whole period there was, to judge by existing documents and descriptions, so much diversity that, though the general outlines of the rite were of the same pattern, the name must not be taken to imply more than a very moderate amount of homogeneity. The Rite of Spain, fairly widely used from the fifth century to the end of the eleventh, and still lingering on as an archaeological survival in chapels at Toledo and Salamanca, was so nearly allied to the Gallican Rite that the term Hispano Gallican is often applied to the two. But the Spanish Mozarabic Rite has, like the allied Celtic, enough of an independent history to require separate treatment, so that though it will be necessary to allude to both by way of illustration, this article will be devoted primarily to the rite once used in what is now France. Of the origin of the Gallican Rite there are three principle theories, between two of which the controversy is not yet settled. These may be termed (1) the Ephesine, (2) the Ambrosian, and (3) the Roman theories.

(1) The first has been already mentioned under AMBROSIAN RITE and CELTIC RITE. This theory, which was first put forward by Sir W. Palmer in his "Origines Liturgicae", which was once very popular among Anglicans. According to it the Gallican Rite was referred to an original brought to Lyons from Ephesus by St. Pothinus and St. Irenæus, who had received it through St. Polycarp from St. John the Divine. The idea originated partly in a statement in the eighth century tract in Cott. manuscript Nero A. II in the British Museum, which refers the Gallican Divine Office (Cursus Gallorum) to such an origin, and partly in a statement of Coleman at the Synod of Whitby (664) respecting the Johannine origin of the Celtic Easter. The Cottonian tract is of little or no historical value; Coleman's notion was disproved at the time by St. Wilfred; and the Ephesine theory has now been given up by all serious liturgiologists. Mgr Duchesne, and his "Origines de culte chrétien", has finally disposed of the possibility of so complicated a rite as the Gallican having so early an origin as the second century.

(2) The second theory is that which Duchesne puts forward in the place of the Ephesine. He holds that Milan, not Lyons, was the principal centre of Gallican development. He lays great stress on the incontestable importance of Milan and the Church of Milan in the late fourth century, and conjectures that a liturgy of Oriental origin, introduced perhaps by the Cappadocian Auxentius, Bishop of Milan from 355 to 374, spread from that centre to Gaul, Spain, and Britain. He points out that "the Gallican Liturgy in the features which distinguish it from the Roman, betrays all the characteristics of the Eastern liturgies," and that "some of its formularies are to be found word for word in the Greek texts which were in use in the Churches of the Syro-Byzantine Rite either in the fourth century or somewhat later", and infers from this that, "the Gallican Liturgy is an Oriental liturgy, introduced into the West towards the middle of the fourth century". not, he does not, however, note that in certain other important peculiarities the Gallican Liturgy agrees with the Roman where the latter differs from the Oriental. Controverting the third or Roman theory of origin, he lays some stress upon the fact that Pope St. Innocent I (416) in his letter to Decentius of Gubbio spoke of usages which Mgr Duchesne recognizes as Gallican (e.g. the position of the Diptychs and the Pax), as "foreign importations" and did not recognize in them the ancient usage of his own Church, and he thinks it hard to explain why the African Church should have accepted the Roman reforms, while St. Ambrose himself a Roman. refused them. He assumes that the Ambrosian Rite is not really Roman, but Gallican, much Romanized at a later period, and that the Giubbio variations of which St. Innocent complained were borrowed from Milan.

(3) The third theory is perhaps rather complicated to state without danger of misrepresentation, and has not been so definitely stated as the other two by any one writer. It is held in part by Probst, Father Lucas, the Milanese liturgiologists, and many others whose opinion is of weight. In order to state it clearly it will be necessary to point out first certain details in which all the Latin or Western rites agree with one another in differing from the Eastern, and in this we speak only of the Mass, which is of far more importance than either the Divine Office, or the occasional services in determining origins. The Eastern Eucharistic offices of whatever rite are marked by the invariability of the priest's part. There are, it is true, alternative anaphoras which are used either ad libitum, as in the Syro-Jacobite Rite, or on certain days, as in Byzantine and East Syrian, but they are complete in themselves and do not contain passages appropriate to the day. The lections of course vary with the day in all rites, and varying antiphons, troparia, etc., are sung by the choir; but the priest's part remains fixed. In the Western rites, whether Hispano-Gallican, Ambrosian, or Roman, a very large proportion of the priest's part varies according to the day, and, as will be seen by the analysis of its Mass in this article, these variations are so numerous in the Gallican Rite that the fixed part even of the Prayer of the Consecration is strangely little. Certain of the varying prayers of the Hispano-Gallican Rite have a tendency to fall into couples, a Bidding Prayer, or invitation to pray, sometimes of considerable length and often partaking of the nature of a homily, addressed to the congregation, and a collect embodying the suggestions of the Bidding Prayer, addressed to God. These Bidding Prayers have survived in the Roman Rite of today in the Good Friday intercessory prayers, and they occur in a form borrowed later from the Gallican, in the ordination services, but in general the invitation to prayer is reduced to its lowest terms in the word Oremus. Another Western peculiarity is in the form of the recital of the Institution. The principal Eastern liturgies follow St. Paul's words in 1 Corinthians 11:23-25, and date the Institution by the betrayal, en te nykti, he paredidoto (in the night in which He was betrayed), and of the less important anaphoras, most either use the same expression or paraphrase it. The Western liturgies date from the Passion, Qui pridie quam pateretur, for which, though of course the fact is found there, there is no verbal Scriptural warrant. The Mozarabic of today uses the Pauline words, and no Gallican Recital of the Institution remains in full; but in both the prayer that follows is called (with alternative nomenclature in the Gallican) Post Pridie and the catchwords "Qui pridie" come at the end of the Post-Sanctus in the Gallican Masses, so that it is clear that this form existed in both. These variations from the Eastern usages are of an early date, and it is inferred from them, and from other considerations more historical than liturgical, that a liturgy with these peculiarities was the common property of Gaul, Spain, and Italy. Whether, as is most likely, it originated in Rome and spread thence to the countries under direct Roman influence, or whether it originated elsewhere and was adopted by Rome, there is no means of knowing. The adoption must have happened when liturgies were in rather a fluid state. The Gallicans may have carried to an extreme the changes begun at Rome, and may have retained some archaic features (now often mistaken for Orientalisms) which had been later dropped by Rome. At some period in the fourth century -- it has been conjectured that it was in the papacy of St. Damasus (366-84) -- reforms were made at Rome, the position of the Great Intercession and of the Pax were altered, the latter, perhaps because the form of the dismissal of the catechumens was disused, and the distinction between the missa catechumenorum and the missa fidelium was no longer needed, and therefore the want was felt of a position with some meaning to it for the sign of Christian unity, and the long and diffuse prayers were made into the short and crisp collects of the Roman type. It was then that the variable Post-Sanctus and Post-Pridie were altered into a fixed Canon of a type similar to the Roman Canon of today, though perhaps this Canon began with the clause which now reads, "Quam oblationem", but according to the pseudo-Ambrosian tract "De Sacramentis" once read "Fac nobis hanc oblationem". This may have been introduced by a short variable Post-Sanctus. This reform, possibly through the influence of St. Ambrose, was adopted at Milan, but not in Gaul and Spain. At a still later period changes were again made at Rome. They have been principally attributed to St. Leo (440-61), St. Gelasius (492-96), and St. Gregory (590-604), but the share these popes had in the reforms is not definitely known, though three varying sacramentaries have been called by their respective names. These later reforms were not adopted at Milan, which retained the books of the first reform, which are now known as Ambrosian.

Hence it may be seen that, roughly speaking, the Western or Latin Liturgy went through three phases, which may be called for want of better names the Gallican, the Ambrosian, and the Roman stages. The holders of the theory no doubt recognize quite clearly that the line of demarcation between these stages is rather a vague one, and that the alterations were in many respects gradual. Of the three theories of origin of the Ephesine may be dismissed as practically disproved. To both of the other two the same objection may be urged, that they are largely founded on conjecture and on the critical examination of documents of a much later date than the periods to which the conjectures relate. But at present there is little else to go upon. It may be well to mention also a theory put forward by Mr. W.C. Bishop in the "Church Quarterly" for July, 1908, to the effect that the Gallican Liturgy was not introduced into Gaul from anywhere, but was the original liturgy of that country, apparently invented and developed there. He speaks of an original independence of Rome (of course liturgically only) followed by later borrowings. This does not seem to exclude the idea that Rome and the West may have had the germ of the Western Rite in common. Again the theory is conjectural and is only very slightly stated in the article. The later history of the Gallican Rite until the time of its abolition as a separate rite is obscure. In Spain there was a definite centre in Toledo, whose influence was felt over the whole peninsula, even after the coming of the Moors. Hence it was that the Spanish Rite was much more regulated than the Gallican, and Toledo at times, though not very successfully, tried to give liturgical laws even to Gaul, though probably only to the Visigothic part of it. In the greater part of France there was liturgical anarchy. There was no capital to give laws to the whole country, and the rite developed there variously in various places, so that among the scanty fragments of the service-books that remain there is a marked absence of verbal uniformity, though the main outlines of the services are of the same type. Several councils attempted to regulate matters a little, but only for certain provinces. Among these were the Councils of Vannes (465), Agde (506), Vaison (529), Tours (567), Auxerre (578), and the two Councils of Mân (581, 623). But all along there went on a certain process of Romanizing due to the constant applications to the Holy See for advice, and there is also another complication in the probable introduction during the seventh century, through the Columbanine missionaries of elements of Irish origin. The changes towards the Roman Rite happened rather gradually during the course of the late seventh and eighth century, and seem synchronous with the rise of the Maires du Palais, and their development into Kings of France. Nearly all the Gallican books of the later Merovingian period, which are all that are left, contain many Roman elements. In some cases there is reason to suppose that the Roman Canon was first introduced into an otherwise Gallican Mass, but the so-called Gelasian Sacramentary, the principle manuscript of which is attributed to the Abbey of St. Dennis and the early eighth century, is an avowedly Roman book, though containing Gallican additions and adaptations. And the same may be said of what is left of the undoubtedly Frankish book known as the "Missale Francorum" of the same date. Mgr Duchesne attributes a good deal of this eighth-century Romanizing tendency to St. Boniface, though he shows that it had begun before his day. The Roman Liturgy was adopted at Metz in the time of St. Chrodegang (742-66). the Roman chant was introduced about 760, and by a decree of Pepin, quoted in Charlemagne's "Admonitio Generalis" in 789, the Gallican chant was abolished in its favour. Pope Adrian I between 784 and 791 sent to Charlemagne at his own request a copy of what was considered to be the Sacramentary of St. Gregory, but which certainly represented the Roman use of the end of the eighth century. This book, which was far from complete, was edited and supplemented by the addition of a large amount of matter derived from the Gallican books and from the Roman book known as the Gelasian Sacramentary, which had been gradually supplanting the Gallican. It is probable that the editor was Charlemagne's principal liturgical advisor, the Englishman Alcuin. Copies were distributed throughout Charlemagne's empire, and this "composite liturgy", as Mgr Duchesne says, "from its source in the Imperial chapel spread throughout all the churches of the Frankish Empire and at length, finding its way to Rome gradually supplanted there the ancient use". More than half a century later, when Charles the Bald wished to see what the ancient Gallican Rite had been like, it was necessary to import Spanish priests to celebrate it in his presence.

It should be noted that the name Gallican has also been applied to two other uses: (1) a French use introduced by the Normans into Apulia and Sicily. This was only a variant of the Roman Rite. (2) the reformed Breviaries of the French dioceses in the seventeenth to mid-nineteenth centuries. These have nothing to do with the ancient Gallican Rite.


There are no manuscripts of the Gallican Rite earlier than the later part of the seventh century, thought the descriptions in the letters of St. Germanus of Paris (555-76) take one back another century. The manuscripts are:--

(1) The Reichenau Fragments (Carlsruhe, 253), described (no. 8) in Delisle's "Memoire sur d'anciens Sacramentaires." -- These were discovered by Mone in 1850 in a palimpsest manuscript from the Abbey of Rerichenau in the library of Carlsruhe. The manuscript, which is late seventh century, had belonged to John II, Bishop of Constance (760-81). It contains eleven Masses of purely Gallican type, one of which is in honour of St. Germanus of Auxerre, but the others do not specify any festival. One Mass, except the post Post-Pridie, which is in prose is entirely in hexameter verse. Mone published them with a facsimile in his "Lateinische und Griechische Menssen aus dem zweiten bis sechsten Jahrhundert" (Frankfort 1850). They were reprinted in Migne's "Patrologia Latina" (Vol. CXXXVIII), and by Neale and Forbes in "The Ancient Liturgy of the Gallican Church" (Burntisland, 1855-67).

(2) The Peyron, Mai, and Bunsen Fragments. Of these disjointed palimpsest leaves, those of Mai and Peyron were found in the Ambrosian Library at Milan, and those of Bunsen at St. Gall. Peyron's were printed in his "M.T. Ciceronis Orationum Fragmenta inedita" (Stuttgart, 1824), MAI's in his "Scriptorum Veterum Vaticana Collectio", and Bunsen's in his "Analecta Ante-Niceana". All these were reprinted by C. E. Hammond: Peyron's and Bunsen's in his "Ancient Liturgy of Antioch" (Oxford, 1879), and MAI's in his "Ancient Liturgies" (Oxford, 1878). The latest are also in Migne's "Patrologia Latina" with Mone's Riechenau fragments. the Peyron fragment contains part of what looks like a Lenten Contestatio (Preface) with other prayers of Gallican type. The Bunsen fragment contains part of a Mass for the Dead (Post-Sactus, Post Pridie) and several pairs of Bidding Prayers and Collects, the former having the title "Exhortatio" or "Exhortatio Matutina. The Mai fragments begin with part of a Bidding Prayer and contain a fragment of a Contestatio, with that title, and fragments of other prayers, two of which have the title "Post Nomina", and two others which seem to be prayers "Ad Pacem".

(3) The Missale Gothicum (Vatican, Queen Christina manuscripts 317). -- Described by Delisle, No. 3 A manuscript of the end of the seventh century, which once belonged to the Petau Library. The name is due to a fifteenth century note at the beginning of the book, and hence it has been attributed by Tommasi and Mabillon to Narbonne, which was in the Visigothic Kingdom. Mgr Duchesne, judging by the inclusion of Masses for the feasts of St. Symphorian and St. Léger (d. 680), attributes it to Autun. The Masses are numbered, the manuscript beginning with Christmas Eve, which is numbered "III". Probably there were once two Advent Masses, as in the "Missale Gallicanum". There are eighty-one numbered sections, of which the last is the first prayer of "Missa Romensif cottidiana", with which the manuscript breaks off. The details of the Masses in this book are given in the section of the present article on the liturgical year. The Masses are all Gallican as to order, but many of the actual prayers are Roman. The "Missale Gothicum" has been printed by Tommasi (Codices Sacramentorum, Rome, 1680), Mabillon (De Liturgi!--stripped-->Gallican--Paris, 1685), Muratori (Liturgia Romana Vetus, Venice, 1748), Neale and Forbes (op. cit.), and Migne's "Patrologia Latina" (Vol. LXXII).

(4) Missale Gallicanum Vetus (Vatican. Palat. 493). -- Described by Delisle, No. 5 The manuscript, which is of the end of the seventh, or the early part of the eighth, century is only a fragment. It begins with a Mass for the feast of St. Germanus of Auxerre (9 Oct.), after which come prayers for the Blessing of Virgins and Widows, two Advent Masses, the Christmas Eve Mass, the Expositio and Traditio Symboli, and other ceremonies preparatory to Baptism; The Maundy Thursday, Good Friday and Easter Sunday ceremonies and the baptismal service, Masses for the Sundays after Easter up to the Rogation Mass, where the manuscript breaks off. The Masses, as in the Gothicum, are Gallican in order with many Roman prayers. The Good Friday prayers are, with a few verbal variations, exactly those from the Roman Missal. The manuscript has been printed by Tommasi, Mabillon, Muratori, and Neale and Forbes (op.cit.), and in Vol. LXXII of Migne's "Patrologia Latina".

(5) The Lexeuil Lectinary (Paris, Bibl. Nat., 9427). -- This manuscript, which is of the seventh century was discovered by Mabillon in the Abbey of Luxeuill, but from its containing among its very few saints' days the feast of St. Genevieve, Dom Morin (Revue Bénédictine, 1893) attributes it to Paris. It contains the Prophetical Lessons, epistles and Gospels for the year from Christmas Eve onwards (for the details of which see the section of this article on the liturgical years). At the end are the lessons of a few special Masses, for the burial of a bishop, for the dedication of a church, when a bishop preaches, "et plebs decimas reddat", when a deacon is ordained, when a priest is blessed, "in profectione itineris", and "lectiones cotidianae". This lectionary is purely Gallican with no apparent Roman influence. The manuscript has not been printed in its entirety, but Mabillon in "De Liturgiâ!--stripped-->Gallicanâ ives the references to all the lessons and the beginnings and endings of the text.

(6) The Letters of St. Germanus of Paris. -- These were printed by Mart讥 (De Antiquis Ecclesiae Ritibus Bassano, 1788) from an manuscript at Autun, and are given also in Vol. LXXII of Migne's "Patrologia Latina". There appears to be no reason to doubt that they are genuine. They contain mystical interpretations of the ceremonies of the Mass and of other services. Mgr Duchesne says of the descriptions, on which the interpretations are based, that "We may reconstruct from the letters a kind of Ordo Gallicanus". (See section of this article on the Mass.)

Much side light is thrown on the Gallican Rite by the Celtic books (see CELTIC RITE), especially by the Stowe and Bobbio Missals. The latter has been called Gallican and attributed to the Province of Besan篮, but it is now held to be Irish in a much Romanized form, though of Continental provenance, being quite probably from the originally Irish monastery of Bobbio, where Mabillon found it. A comparison with the Ambrosian books (SEE AMBROSIAN LITURGY AND RITE) may also be of service, while most lacunae in our knowledge of the Gallican Rite may reasonably be conjecturally filled up from the Mozarabic books, which even in their present form are those of substantially the same rite. There are also liturgical allusions in certain early writers: St. Hilary of Poitiers, St. Sulpicius Severus (d. about 400), St. Caesarius of Arles (d. about 542), and especially St. Gregory of Tours (d. 595), and some information may be gathered from the decrees of the Gallican councils mentioned above.

The above are all that exist as directly Gallican sources, but much information may also be gleaned from the books of the transition period, which, though substantially Roman, were much edited with Germanic tendencies and contained a large amount which was of a Gallican rather than a Roman type. The principal of these are:

(1) The Gelasian Sacramentary, of which three manuscripts exist, one in the Vatican (Queen Christina manuscript 316), and one at Zurich (Rheinau 30, and one at St.Gall (manuscript 348). The manuscripts are of the early eighth century. The groundwork is Roman, with Gallican additions and modifications. Evidence for the Gallican rites of ordination and some other matters is derived from this book. The Vatican manuscript was published by Tommasi and Muratori, and a complete edition from all three manuscripts was edited by H. A. Wilson (Oxford, 1894).

(2) The Missale Francorum (Vatican Q. Christina manuscript 257, Delisle No. 4). -- A fragment of a Sacramentary of a similar type to the Gelasian, though not identical with it. Printed by Tommasi, Mabillon, and Muratori.

(3) The Gregorian Sacramentary. -- Of this there are many manuscripts It represents the Sacramentary sent by Pope Adrian I to Charlemagne, after it had been rearranged and supplemented by Gelasian and Gallican editions in France. One manuscript of it was published by Muratori. In this, as in many others, the editions form a supplement, but in some (e.g. the Angoulꭥ Sacramentary, Bibl. Nat. Lat. 816) the Gelasian additions are interpolated throughout.


The Luxeuil Lectionary, the Gothicum and Gallicum Missals, and the Gallican adaptations of the Hieronymian Martyrology are the chief authorities on this point, and to these may be added some information to be gathered from the regulations of the Councils of Agde (506), Orléans (541), Tour (567), and Macon (581), and from the "Historia Francorum" of St. Gregory of Tours, as to the Gallican practice in the sixth century. It is probable that there were many variations in different times and places, and that the influence of the Hieronymian Martyrology brought about many gradual assimilations to Rome. The year, as is usual, began with Advent. The Council of Macon, which arranges for three days' fast a week, during that season, mentions St. Martin's Day as the key-day for Advent Sunday, so that, as a present in the Mozarabic and Ambrosian Rites, there were six Sundays of Advent (but only two Advent Masses survive in the Gallicanum.) The Gothicum and the Luxeuil Lectionary both begin with Christmas Eve. Then following Christmas Day; St. Stephen; St. John (according to Luxeuil); St. James and St. John (according to the Gothicum, which agrees with the Hieronymian Martyrology and with a Syriac Menology of 412, quoted by Duchesne. The Mozarabic has for 29 December "Sanctus Jacobus Frater Domini", but that is the other St. James); Holy Innocents; Circumcision; St. Genevieve (Luxeuil Lectionary only. Her day is 3 Jan.); Sunday after the Circumcision (Luxeuil); Vigil of Epiphany; Epiphany; two Sundays after Epiphany (Luxeuil); "Festum Sanctae Mariae" (Luxeuil, called "Assumptio" in the Gothicum, 18 Jan.); St. Agnes (Gothicum); after which follow in the Gothicum, out of their proper places, Sts. Cecily (22 Nov.); Clement (23 Nov.); Saturninus (29 Nov.); Andrew (30 Nov.); and Eulalia (10 Dec.); the Conversion of St. Paul (Gothicum); St. Peter's Chair (in both. This from its position after the Conversion of St. Paul in the Gothicum, ought to be St. Peter's Chair at Antioch, 22 Feb.; but it will not work out as such with the two Sundays between it and the Epiphany and three between it and Lent, as it appears in the Luxeuil Lectionary; so it must mean St. Peter's Chair at Rome, 18 Jan., which is known to have been the festival kept in Gaul; three Sundays after St. Peter's Chair (Luxeuil); Initium Quadragesimae; five Lenten Masses (Gothicum); Palm Sunday (Luxeuil); "Symboli Traditio" (Gothicum); Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday of Holy Week, called by the name still used in the Ambrosian Rite, Authentica Hebdomada (Luxeuil); Maundy Thursday; Good Friday; Easter Eve; Easter Day and the whole week; Low Sunday, called in both Clausum Paschae; four more Sundays after Easter (Luxeuil); Invention of the Cross (Gothicum, 3 May); St. John the Evangelist (Gothicum, 6 May); three Rogation Days; Ascension; Sunday after Ascension (Luxeuil); Pentecost; Sunday after Pentecost (Luxeuil); Sts. Ferreolus and Ferru (Gothicum, 16 June); Nativity of St. John the Baptist; Sts. Peter and Paul; Decollation of St. John the Baptist; Missa de Novo fructus (sic, Luxeuil); St. Sixtus (Gothicum, 6 Aug.); St. Lawrence (Gothicum, 10 Aug.); St. Hippolytus (Gothicum 13 Aug.); Sts. Cornelius and Cyprian (Gothicum, 16 Sept.); Sts. John and Paul (Gothicum, 26 June); St. Symphorian (Gothicum, 22 Aug.); St. Maurice and his companions (Gothicum, 22 Sept.); St. Leger (Gothicum, 2 Oct.); St. Martin (Gothicum, 22 Nov.). Both books also have Commons of Martyrs and Confessors, the Luxeuil has Commons of bishops and deacons for a number of other Masses, and the Gothicum has six Sunday Masses. The Gallicanum has a Mass in honour of St. Germanus of Auxerre before the two Advent Masses. In both the Gothicum and Gallicanum a large space is given to the services of the two days before Easter, and in the latter the Expositio and Traditio Symboli are given at great length.

The moveable feasts depended, of course, on Easter. When the Roman Church altered the Easter cycle from the old computation on a basis of 84 years to the new cycle of 532 of Victorius Aquitaine in 457, the Gallican Church, unlike the Celts, did the same; but when, in 525, the Roman Church adopted the 19 years cycle of Dionysius Exiguus, the Gallican Church continued to use the cycle of Victorius, until the end of the eighth or beginning of the ninth century. Lent began with the first Sunday, not with Ash Wednesday. There is a not very intelligible passage in the canons of the Council of Tours (567) to the effect that all through August there were "festivitates et missae sanctorum", but this is not borne out by the existing Sacramentaries of the Lectionary.


There is curiously little information on this point, and it is not possible to reconstruct the Gallican Divine Office from the scanty allusions that exist. It seems probable that there was considerable diversity in various times and places, through councils, both in France and Spain, tried to bring about some uniformity. The principle authorities are the Councils of Agde (506) and Tours (567), and allusions in the writings of St. Gregory of Tours and St. Caesarius of Arles. These and other details have been gathered together by Mabillon in his "De Liturgi!--QRQT-->Gallican and his essay on the Gallican Cursus is not yet superseded. The general arrangement and nomenclature were very similar to those of the Celtic Rite. There were two principal services, Matins (Ad Matutinam, Matutinum) and Vespers (ad Duodecimam, ad Vesperas Lucernarium); and four Lesser Hours, Prime, or Ad Secundum, Terce, Sext, and None; and probably two night services, Complin, or ad initium noctis, and Nocturns. But the application of these names is sometimes obscure. It is not quite clear whether Nocturns and Lauds were not joined together as Matins; Caesarius speaks of Prima, while the Gallicanum speaks of Ad secundum; Caesarius distinguishes between Lucernarium and Ad Duodeciman, while Aurelian distinguishes between Ad Duodeciman and Complin; the Gothicum speaks of Vespera Paschae and Initium Noctis Paschae, and the Gallicanum has Ad Duodeciman Paschae. The distribution of the Psalter is not known. The Council of Tours orders six psalms at Sext and twelve Ad Duodecimam, with Alleluia (presumably as Antiphon) For Matins there is a curious arrangement which reminds one of that in the Rule of St. Columbanus (see CELTIC RITE, III). Normally in summer (apparently from Easter to July) "sex antiphonae binis psalmis" are ordered. This evidently means twelve psalms, two under each antiphon. In August there seem to have been no psalms, because there were festivals and Masses of saints. "Toto Augusto manicationes fiant, quia festivitates sunt et missae sanctorum". The meaning of manicationes and of the whole statement is obscure. In September there were fourteen psalms, two under each antiphon; in October twenty-four psalms, three to each antiphon; and from December to Easter thirty psalms, three to each antiphon. Caesarius orders six psalms at Prime with the hymn "Fulgentis auctor aetheris", two lessons, one from the old and one from the New Testament, and a capitellum"; six psalms at Terce, Sext, and None, with an antiphon, a hymn, a lesson, and a capitellum; at Lucernarium a "Psalmus Directaneus", whatever that may be (cf. the "Psalmus Directus" of the Ambrosian Rite), two antiphons, a hymn, and a capitellum; and ad Duodecimam, eighteen psalms, an antiphon, hymn, lesson, and capitellum. From this it seems as though Lucernarium and Ad Duodecimam made up Vespers. combining the twelfth hour of the Divine Office (that is, of the recitation of the Psalter with its accompaniments) with a service for what, without any intention of levity, one may call "lighting-up time". The Ambrosian and Mozarabic Vespers are constructed on this principle, and so is the Byzantine Hesperinos. Caesarius mentions a blessing given by the bishop at the end of Lucernarium, "cumque expleto Lucernario benedictionem populo dedisset"; and the following is an order of the Council of Agde (canon 30):"Et quia convenit ordinem ecclesiae ab omnibus aequaliter custodiri studendum est ut ubique fit et post antiphonas collectiones per ordinem ab episcopis vel presbyteris dicantur et hymni matutini vel vesperenti diebus omnibus decantentur et in conclusione matutinarum vel vespertinarum missarum post hymnos, capitella de psalmis dicantur et plebs collecta oratione ad vesperam ab Episcopo cum benedictione dimittatur". The rules of Caesarius and Aurelian both speak of two nocturns with lessons, which include on the feasts of martyrs lessons from their passions. They order also Magnificat to be sung at Lauds, and during the Paschal days; and on Sundays and greater festivals Gloria in Excelsis. There is a short passage which throws a little light upon the Lyons use of the end of the fifth century in an account of the Council of Lyons in 499, quoted by Mabillon. The council assembled by King Gundobad of Burgundy began on the feast of St. Just. The vigil was kept at his tomb. This began with a lesson from the Pentateuch ("a Moyse") in which occurred the words "Sed ego indurabo cor ejus", etc. (Exodus 7:3). Then psalms were sung and a lesson was read from the prophets, in which occurred the words "Vade, et dices populo huic: Audite audientes", etc. (Isaiah 6:9), the more psalms and a lesson from the Gospels containing the words "Vae tibi, Corozain!" etc. (Matthew 11:21; or Luke 10:13) and a lesson from the Epistles ("ex Apostolo") which contained the words "An divitias bonitatis ejus", etc. (Romans 2:4). St. Agobard in the ninth century mentions that at Lyons there were no canticles except from the Psalms, no hymns written by poets, and no lessons except from Scripture. Mabillon says that though in his day Lyons agreed with Rome in many things, especially in the distribution of the Psalter, and admitted lessons from the Acts of the Saints, there were still no hymns except at Complin, and he mentions a similar rule as to hymns at Vienne. But canon 23 of the Council of Tours (767) allowed the use of the Ambrosian hymns. Though the Psalter of the second recension of St. Jerome, now used in all the churches of the Roman Rite except the Vatican Basilica, is known as the "Gallican", while the older, a revision of the "Vetus Itala" used now in St. Peter's at Rome only, is known as the "Roman", it does not seem that the Gallican Psalter was used even in Gaul until a comparatively later date, though it spread thence over nearly all the West. At present the Mozarabic and Ambrosian Psalters are variants of the "Roman", with peculiarities of their own. Probably the decadence of the Gallican Divine Office was very gradual. In the eighth century tract in Cott. manuscript Nero A. II. the "Cursus Gallorum" is distinguished from the "Cursus Romanorum", the "Cursus Scottorum" and the Ambrosian, all of which seem to have been going on then. The unknown writer, though his opinion is of no value on the origin of the "Cursus", may well have known about some of these of his own knowledge; but through the seventh century there are indications of a tendency to adopt the Roman or the Monastic "cursus" instead of the Gallican, or to mix them up, a tendency which was resisted at times by provincial councils.


The chief authorities for the Gallican Mass are the letters of St. Germanus of Paris (555-576); and by a comparison of these with the extant Sacramentaries, not only of Gaul but of the Celtic Rite, with the Irish tracts on the Mass, with the books of the still existing Mozarabic Rite, and with the descriptions of the Spanish Mass given by St. Isidore, one may arrive at a fairly clear general idea of the service, though there exists no Gallican Ordinary of the Mass and no Antiphoner. Mgr. Duchesne, in his "Origines du Cult chrétien", has given a very full account constructed on this basis, though some will differ from him in his supplying certain details from Ambrosian books, and in his claiming the Bobbio Sacramentary as Ambrosian rather than Celtic.

The Order of this Mass is as follows:--

(1) The Entrance.-- Here an Antiphona (Introit) was sung. Nothing is said of any Praeparatio Sacerdotis, but there is one given in the Celtic Stowe Missal (see CELTIC RITE); and the Irish tracts describe a preliminary preparation of the Chalice, as does also the Mozarabic Missal. As no Antiphoner exists, we have no specimen of a Gallican Officium or Introit. Duchesne gives a Mozarabic one, which has something of the form of a Roman Responsary. The Antiphona was followed by a proclamation of silence by the deacon, and the salutation Dominus sit semper vobiscum by the priest. This is still the Mozarabic form of Dominus vobiscum.

(2) The Canticles.-- These, according to St. Germanus, were (i) The Ajus (agios) which may be the Greek Trisagion (hagios Theos, k.t.l.) or the Greek of the Sanctus, probably the latter which is still used elsewhere in the Mozarabic, and seems to be referred to in the Ajus, ajus, ajus of the life of St. Géry of Cambrai and the Sanctus, sanctus, sanctus of the Council of Vaison (529). In the Bobbio there is a prayer Post Ajus. (ii) The Kyrie Eleison, sung by three boys. This has disappeared from the Mozarabic. It is mentioned by the Council of Vaison (529). (iii) The Canticle of Zacharias (Benedictus). this is called Prophetia and there are collects post Prophetiam in the Riechenau fragments, the Gothicum and the Bobbio. The Mozarabic and Celtic books have Gloria in Excelsis here, but in the former the "Benedictus" is used instead on the Sunday before the Nativity of St. John the Baptist, called Dominica pro adventu S. Johannis. A different Canticle, Sanctus Deus Angelorum was used, according to St. Germanus, in Lent.

(3) The Lessons-- These were the Lectio Prophetica from the Old Testament, and the Lectio Apostolica or Epistle. In Paschal time the Apocalypse took the place of the Lectio Prophetica, and a lesson from the Acts of the Apostles that of the Epistle. In Lent the Histories of the Old Testament were read instead of the Prophetical Lesson, and on Saint's Days the Acts of the Saints. This agrees with the present Mozarabic, except in the Acts of the Saints, and with the Luxeuil Lectionary, and the Bobbio. The Acts of the Saints were used as Mass Lessons in the Ambrosian Rite as late as the twelfth century. According to St. Germanus the second lesson followed immediately on the first, but in the Mozarabic the Benedicite and a Psallendo (Responsary) come between them. In the Gallican the Benedicite and the Responsorium followed the Epistle. The Bobbio has a fixed collect, Post Benedictionem, which is that which follows Benedictus es (Dan., iii) on Ember Saturdays in the Roman Missal.

(4) The Gospel-- This was preceded by a procession in tribunal analogii, i.e. to the ambo. The word Analogion is still the Byzantine term for the desk from which the Gospel is read. A clerk again sang the Ajus, and seven lighted candles were carried. The clerks cried out Gloria tibi, Domine. Sanctus was sung as they returned. Nothing is said about Alleluia preceding the Gospel, nor is there any in the Mozarabic . The Celtic Rite as shown in the Stowe Missal, included an Alleluia at that point, as do most other rites.

(5) Here, according to St. Germanus, followed the Homily.

(6) The Prex.-- The passage of St. Germanus is "Preces vero psallere levitas pro populo ab origine libri Moysaici ducit exordium, ut audita Apostoli praedicatione levitae pro populo deprecentur et sacerdotes prostrati ante Dominum pro peccatis populi intercedant". Duschene makes this refer to a Bidding Litany to follow the Homily, but judging from the analogy of the Stowe Mass, which places a litany between the Epistle and Gospel, and of the Mozarabic, which on Sundays in Lent has a very similar litany between the Prophetical Lesson and the Epistle, said by the priest who "prosternat se ad pedem altaris", it might be possible to understand "audita Apostoli praedicatione" to mean "after the Epistle". The Roman Good Friday prayers, however, which are similar in import to this litany, follow the Gospel; and so does the Great Synapte of Clementine, the Byzantine, and other Eastern rites which have petitions of the same type, and one of which is probably the original source of the Prex. The Council of Lyons (517) also mentions "orationem plebis quae post evangelia legeretur". No Gallican text of this litany exists, but it was probably much of the same type as that of the Stowe, which is called "Deprecatio Sancti Martini, and that which takes the place of the "Gloria in Excelsis" in Lent in the Ambrosian. The Prex is followed by a prayer called Post Precem.

(7) The Dismissal of the Catechumens.-- This is mentioned by St. Germanus as an ancient rite of which the form was still observed. He says in almost the same words which James of Edessa, speaking of the Syrian Rite, used a century later, that the deacon proclaims "juxta antiquum Ecclesiae ritum". No mention is made by St. Germanus of penitents, but the Council of Lyons just mentioned gave them permission to remain until after the Prex. In the Stowe Mass, as in the Roman, there is no allusion to catechumens or penitents.

(8) The Great Entrance and Offertory.-- It seems appropriate to give the Byzantine name to this ceremony, for, according to St. Germanus's description, it resembled the Great Entrance of that rite rather than anything which is now found in either the Roman or the Mozarabic of today, or in the Celtic Rite; and the Procession of the Vecchioni at Milan (see AMBROSIAN RITE) is altogether a different matter. First came the closing of the doors. This took place immediately after the Dismissal of the Catechumens in the Liturgy of St. James, and is put at the same point in the description of James of Edessa. In the Byzantine Rite of today it comes after the Great Entrance. In the Roman Rite there is no sign of it. St. Germanus gives it a mystical meaning about the gates of the soul, but James of Edessa gives the real origin, the guarding of the mysteries against the heathen. Then the already prepared Elements were brought in, the bread in a vessel shaped like a tower, the mixed wine and water in a chalice. St. Germanus speaks of them as Corpus Domini and Sanguis Christi (cf. The wording of the Byzantine hymn known as the Cherubicon). While this was done the choir sang what St. Germanus called the Sonus. The Mozarabic Missal calls the Responsory that comes at this point the Lauda, and the name Sonus is given to very similar Responsories sung at Vespers and Lauds. While the elements were being offered the choir sang the Laudes, which included Alleluia. This is the Mozarabic Sacraficium, the Roman Offertorium. St. Isidore gives the latter name to it. The tract in the Irish "Leabhar Breac" speaks of elevating the chalice "quando canitur Imola Deo sacrificium laudis", but the Stowe, being a priest's book, is silent about any antiphon here, though the prayers said by the priest are given. In the Stowe Missal the Offertory, which is a good deal Romanized, is preceded by the Creed. In the Ambrosian, as in the Byzantine, the Creed follows the Offertory. In the Gallican of St. Germanus there was as yet no Creed. By the time of James of Edessa it had got into the Syrian Liturgy, but the Roman did not adopt it until much later (see CREED, LITURGICAL USE OF). St. Germanus mentions three veils, the "palla linostima" [linostema is defined by St. Isidore (Orig., 19,22) as a material woven of flax and wool] "corporalis palla" of pure linen, "super quam oblatio ponitur", and a veil of silk adorned with gold and gems with which the oblation was covered. Probably the "linostima" covered the chalice, like the modern pall.

(9) The prayer that follows is not mentioned by St. Germanus, but is given in the Gallican books. It is preceded by a Bidding Prayer. The titles of the two are Praefatio Missae and Collectio (the usual expression being "Collectio sequitur"). They vary with the day and are found in the Gothicum, Gallicanum, Bobbio, and some of the Reichenau fragments. St. Isidore mentions them as the first two of the prayers of the Mass. In the Mozarabic the Bidding Prayer is called Missa, and is followed by "Agyos, agyos, agyos, Domine Deus Rex aeterne tibi laudes et gratias", sung by the choir, and an invariable invitation to prayer. The variable prayer which follows is called Alia Oratio. The "Missa" is almost always a Bidding Prayer addressed to the people, while the "Alia Oratio" is nearly always addressed to God, but sometimes both are Bidding Prayers and sometimes both are prayers to God.

(10) The Diptychs.-- St. Germanus says "Nomina defunctorum ideo hor illa recitantur qua pallium tollitur". The Gallican books and the Bobbio have variable prayers Post Nomina, and the Reichenau fragments have also prayers Ante Nomina, which are sometimes Bidding Prayers as are sometimes the prayers Post Nomina in the Gothicum. The form of the Intercession is given in the Stowe, but moved to its Roman positions in the Gelasian Canon. The Mozarabic retains the old position and has a prayer Post Nomina, which St. Isidore calls the third prayer. The position of the Great Intercession at this point exactly is peculiar to the Hispano-Gallican Rite, but it comes very near to the Alexandrian position, which is in the middle of the Preface, where a rather awkward break is made for it. The West Syrian and Byzantine Liturgies place the Great Intercession after the Epiklesis, the East Syrian before the Epiklesis, and the Roman and Ambrosian divide it in two, placing the Intercession for the Living before, and that for the Dead after the Consecration, with Commemorations of Saints with each.

(11) The Pax.-- St. Germanus mentions that the Kiss of Peace came next, as it does now in the Mozarabic. St. Isidore associates it with the fourth prayer, which in the Gallican and Mozarabic books is called Ad Pacem. The Roman Rite, which has completely obliterated all distinction between the Missa Catachumenorum and the Missa Fidelium, associates this sign of unity, not with the beginning of the latter, but with the Communion, and this position is as old as the letter of St. Innocent I (416) to Decentius of Giubbio. The Ambrosian now follows the Roman, as did the Celtic Rite when the Stowe Missal was written, but the Bobbio retained the collect Ad Pacem in its original place, though it was probably not used with the Gelasian canon.

(12) The Anaphora-- St. Germanus merely mentions the Sursum Corda, and says nothing about what follows it. The dialogue was probably in the usual form, though the curious variation in the Mozarabic Rite makes that somewhat uncertain. Then follows the Contestatio or Immolatio, called by the Mozarabic Books Illatio, which is in the Roman Rite the Praefatio. St. Isidore calls it the fifth prayer and uses the word Illatio for it. The Gallican books, the Bobbio, and the Mozarabic Missal give a variable one for every Mass, and the Gallican books often give two. The general form is the same as the Roman, perhaps more diffuse in its expressions. Usually the words Per quem alone at the end of the proper section indicate the conclusion. The Mozarabic Illations end in varying ways, always of course leading up to the Sanctus.

(13) The Sanctus.-- The Gallican wording is not found, but there is no reason to suspect any variations unless the Mozarabic "gloria majestatis tuae" was also Gallican.

(14) The Post-Sanctus.-- This takes up the idea of the Sanctus and amplifies it, leading on to the Recital of the Institution. It generally, but not always, begins with "Vere Sanctus, vere Benedictus". There is a variable Post-Sanctus for every Mass. In the Gallican books this passage ends with some expression, generally simply "per Christum Dominum nostrum", which serves as the antecedent to "Qui pridie"; but, owing to the interpolated prayer" Adesto, adesto Jesu", etc., the Recital of the Institution begins with a fresh sentence with no relative. All Liturgies except the Roman have some form of Post-Sanctus. Even the Ambrosian has one for Easter Eve, and the Celtic Stowe Missal seems to use one with or without the Roman Canon. The Bobbio, completely Romanized from the Preface onwards, does not include one among its variables. In one Mass in the Gothicum (Easter Eve) the Post-Sanctus (so called by Neale and Forbes) contains a quite definite Epiklesis, but the prayer which follows is called ad fractionem panis, so it may be really a Post-Pridie.

(15) The Recital of the Institution.-- "Qui pridie quam pro nostra omnium salute pateretur" is all that exists of the Gallican form, as catchwords, so to speak. This, except that "et" comes there before "omnium", is the Ambrosian. The Stowe and the Bobbio have the Roman "Qui pridie quam pateretur", etc., but the corrector of the Stowe has added the Ambrosian ending "passionem meam praedicabitis", etc. The Mozarabic, though Post-Pridie is the name of the prayer which follows, has (after an invocatory prayer to our Lord) "D.N.J. C. in qua nocte tradebatur", etc., following St. Paul's words in 1 Corinthians 11, in which it agrees with the principal Eastern Liturgies. This is probably a late alteration.

(16) The Post-Pridie, called also Post Mysterium and Post Secreta, these two being the more usual Gallican names, while Post-Pridie is the universal Mozarabic name. This is a variable prayer, usually addressed to Christ or to the Father, but occasionally in the Mozarabic in the form of a Bidding Prayer. The petitions often include something of an oblation, like the Unde et memores, and often a more or less definite Epiklesis. Of the eleven Masses in the Reichenau fragment four contain a definite Epiklesis in this prayer, one has a Post-Pridie with no Epiklesis, one is unfinished, but has no Epiklesis as far as it goes, and in the rest this prayer is wanting. In the Gothicum there is generally no Epiklesis, but nine of the Masses there have one of some sort, in some cases vague. In the Mozarabic this prayer is usually only the oblation, though rarely there is an Epiklesis. It is followed there by a fixed prayer resembling the clause Per quem haec omnia in the Roman Canon.

(17) The Fraction.-- Of this St. Germanus says only that it takes place, and an antiphon is sung during it. The only rite which now retains this antiphon always is the Ambrosian, where it is called Confractorium. The Mozarabic has substituted for it the recitation of the Creed, "praeter in locis in quibus erit antiphona propria ad confractionem panis", which is chiefly during Lent, and in votive Masses. In the Stowe there is a long responsory, apparently not variable. No Gallican Confratorium remains. The fraction is not described, but in the Celtic Rite there was a very complicated fraction, and in the Mozarabic the Sacred Host is divided into nine particles, seven of which are arranged in the form of a cross. The Council of Tours (567) directs that the particles shall be arranged "non in imaginario ordine sed sub crucis titulo", so that it is probable that the Gallican fraction was similarly elaborate. The Stowe Gaelic tract speaks of two fractions, the first into two halves with a re-uniting and a commixture, the second into a number of particles varying with the rank of the day. The "Leabhar Breac" tract only mentions the first. Dom L. Gougaud (Les rites de la Consecration et de la Fraction dans la Liturgie Celtique", in "Report of the 19th Eucharistic Congress" (p. 359) conjectures that the first was the Host of the celebrant, the second that for the communicants.

(18) The Pater Noster.-- This was preceded by a variable introduction after the plan of Praeceptis salutaribus moniti and was followed by a variable Embolism. These are entitled in the Gallican books Ante Orationem Dominicam and Post Orationem Dominicam. In the Mozarabic the introduction Ad orationem Dominicam is variable, the Embolism is not.

(19) The Commixture.-- Of the manner of this in the Gallican Rite there is no information, nor is there any record of the words used. But see CELTIC RITE. In the Mozarabic the particle Regnum (see MOZARABIC RITE) is dipped in the chalice with the words "Vicit Leo de tribu Juda, radix David, Alleluia. Qui sedes super Cherubim, radix David, Alleluia", and the particle is dropped into the chalice, the priest saying "Sancta sanctis; et conjunctio corporis D.N.J.C. sit sumentibus et potantibus nobis ad veniam et defunctis fidelibus praestetur ad requiem."

(20) The Benediction.-- This when pronounced by a bishop was a variable formula, sometimes of considerable length. St. Germanus gives a form which was said by priests "Pax, fides et caritas et communicatio corporis et sanguinis Domini sit semper vobiscum." There is a very similar form in the Stowe Missal and in the Ambrosian, but in both these it is connected with the Pax which comes at this point, as in the Roman Rite. In the Mozarabic, the deacon proclaims "Humilitate vos benedictioni". This is alluded to by St. Caesarius of Arles and is very like tas kephalas hemon to kyrio klinomen in the Byzantine Rite. Then follows a long variable Benediction of four clauses, pronounced by the priest, the people responding "Amen" to each clause. The Gallican Benedictions were of the same type. The practice of a Benediction before Communion continued in France long after the extinction of the Gallican Rite and survives to this day at Lyons. It was also the practice of the Anglo-Saxon Church. Dom Cabrol ("Benediction Episcopale" in "Report of the 19th Eucharistic Congress") considers that the Anglo-Saxon Benedictions were not survivals of Gallican (Celtic) usage, but were derived from the ancient practice of Rome itself, and that the rite was a general one of which traces are found nearly everywhere.

(21) The Communion.-- St. Germanus gives no details of this, but mentions the singing of the Trecanum. His description of this was not very clear. "Sic enim prima in secunda, secunda in tertia, et rursum tertia in secunda rotatur in prima." But he takes the threefold chant as an emblem of the Trinity. The Mozarabic on most days has a fixed anthem, Ps. xxxiii, 8 (9) (Gustate, et videte) 1 (2) (Benedicam Dominum) and 22 (23) (Redimet Dominus), and the Gloria with three Alleluias after each verse. This is called Ad Accedentes. In Lent and Easter-tide there are variants. The rather obvious Gustate et videte is given also in the Stowe Missal and Bangor Antiphoner, and is mentioned by St. Cyril of Jerusalem. It occurs in certain Eastern Liturgies. In the Mozarabic it is followed by the Communio "Refecti Christi corpore et sangunie, te laudamus, Domine, Alleluia" (thrice), with a variant in Lent. This is found also in the Celtic books. Probably it was used by the Gallican also. In the Mozarabic the priest's Communion, with his private devotions, goes on during these anthems. St. Caesarius of Arles and the Council of Auxerre (about 578), quoted by Duchesne, allude to the fact that men received the Host in the bare hand, but that women covered the hand with a linen cloth called dominicalis, which each brought with her.

(22) The Post-Communion.-- This, as given in the Gallican books, is a variable Praefatio, or Bidding Prayer, followed by a collect. The former is entitled Post Communionem, the latter Collectio. The Mozarabic has only a collect which is variable, but with a smaller selection than the other prayers.

(23) The Dismissal formula of the Gallican Mass is not extant. It may have been like the Stowe "Missa acta est in pace", or one form of Mozarabic "Missa acta est in nomine D.B.J.C., proficiamus cum pace."

It will be seen from the above analysis that the Gallican Mass contained a very small number of fixed elements, so that nearly the whole service was variable according to the day. The absence of an Ordinary is, therefore, of less importance than it would be in, for instance, the Roman or the Ambrosian. The full list of variables, as shown from the Reichenau fragments, the Gothicum, and St. Germanus's description, is:--

(1) The Introit. (2) (Collectio) post Prophetiam. (3) Lectio Prophetica. (4) Lectio Apostolica. (5) Responsorium" before the Gospel. (6) Gospel. (7) Post Precem. (8) Sonum. (9) Laudes. (10) Praefatio Missae. (11) Collectio. (12) Ante Nomina. (13) Post Nomina. (14) Ad Pacem. (15) Contestatio or Immolatio. (16) Post Sanctus. (17) Post Pridie. (18) Confractorium? (19) Ante Orationem Dominicam. (20) Post Orationem Dominicam. (22) Trecanum? (23) Communio? (24) Post Communionem. (25) Collectio or Consummatio Missae. Of these nos. 2. 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24, 25 belong to the priest's part, and are therefore found in the Sacramentaries; 1, 5, 8, 9, as well as 18, 22, and 23, if these last were variable, belong to the part of the choir, and would be found in the Antiphoners, if any such existed; and 3, 4, 6, are found in the Lectionary. No. 12 is only found among the Reichenau fragments, but it is found there in every Mass of which the manuscript is not imperfect at that part of the service. Thus the fixed parts of the service would only be: (a) The three Canticles. (b) The Ajus and Sanctus, etc., at the Gospel. (c) The Prex. (d) The Dismissal. (e) The priest's prayers at the Offertory. (f) The Great Intercession. (g) The Pax formula. (h) The Sursum Corda dialogue. (i) The Sanctus. (j) The Recital of the Institution. (k) The Pater Noster, and possibly the Confractorium, Trecanum and Communio, with probably the priest's devotions at Communion. Most of these are very short and the only really important passage wanting is the one fixed passage in the Prayer of Consecration, the Recital of the Institution.


A. The Baptismal Service.-- The authorities for the Gallican Baptismal Service are the Gothicum and Gallicanum, both of which are incomplete, and a few details in the second Letter of St. Germanus of Paris. The forms given in the Stowe and the Bobbio are to much Romanized to illustrate the Gallican Rite very much. The form given in the Gothicum is the least complete. It consists of:--

(1) "Ad Christianum faciendum." A Bidding Prayer and collect, with the form of signing on eyes, ears, and nostrils.

(2) The Blessing of the Font. A Bidding Prayer, a collect, a Contestio (Preface), the infusion of chrism in the form of a cross with a triple insufflation, and an exorcism, which here is in an unusual place.

(3) The Baptismal formula "Baptizo te in nomine ... in remissionem peccatorum, ut habeas vitam aeternam".

(4) The Chrismation. The formula "Perungo te chrisma sanctitatis" seems to have been mixed up with a form for the bestowal of the white garment, for it goes on "tunicam immortalitatis, quam D.N.J.C. traditam a Patre primus accepit ut eam integram et inlibatam preferas ante tribunal Christi et vivas insaecula saeculorum". Probably the ommission is "... in Nomine", etc., in the one formula; and "Accipe vestem candidam", or possibly "Accipe" alone, in the other. Mgr. Duchesne's suggestion of "a special symbolism, according to which the chrism would be considered as a garment" does not commend itself, for want of a verb to govern "tunicam". Still there is another formula for the white garment farther on.

(5) The Feet Washing. The form here is similar to that in the Gallicanum, the Bobbio, and the Stowe: "Ego te lavo pedes. Sicut D.N.J.C. fecit discipulis suis, tu facias hospitibus et peregrenis ut habeas vitam aeternam". This ceremony is only found in Gaul, Spain, and Ireland. At the Council of Elvira in 305 an order was made that it should be performed by clerks and not by priests. This limitation, of which the wording is quite clear, has been unaccountably interpreted to mean that it was then forbidden altogether.

(6) The Vesting with the white garment. This has a form similar to the Roman and Celtic, but not quite the same.

(7) Two final Bidding Prayers with no collect.

The Gallicanum has a much fuller form with the Traditio and Expositio Symboli, etc. It is:--

(1) "Ad faciendum Catechumenum." A long and curious exorcism beginning "Adgredior te, immundissime, damnate spiritus". This is only a fragment, and probably the unction and salt came here, as in the Spanish Rite.

(2) "Expositio vel Traditio Symboli." An address, the Creed, a long exposition of it, and a collect. The Creed varies verbally from the Roman form. There is a second "Expositio" later on.

(3) "Expositio Evangeliorum in aurium apertione ad electos." An address followed by a few words of each of the Gospels and an exposition of the emblems of the Evangelists. This is found in the Gelasian Sacramentary.

(4) "Praemissiones ad Scrutamen." A Bidding Prayer and a collect.

(5) "Praefatio Orationis Dominicae". The tradition and exposition of the Lord's Prayer.

(6) "Missa in symboli traditione." This is imperfect but agrees nearly, as far as they both go, with a Mass of the same title in the Gothicum.

(7) "Expositio Symboli." This, though as on the same lines as the earlier one, differs in wording. It is very incomplete and has probably got into this place by mistake.

(8) "Opus ad Baptizando (sic)." This is preceded by various services for Maundy Thursday, Good Friday, and Easter Eve, including the Blessing of the Candle. It begins with a "Praefatio antequam exorcidietur" and a collect. Then follow the exorcism and the blessing of thee font, and the infusion of the chrism, this time in the form of three crosses.

(9) The Interrogation. This includes the renunciation of Satan and a confession of faith. The latter has a peculiar form, evidently directed against Arianism:--

"Credis Patrem et Filium et Spiritum Sanctum unius esse virtutis? R. Credo. Credis Patrem et Filium et Spiritum Sanctum ejusdem esse potestatis? R. Credo.

Credis Patrem et Filium et Spiritum Sanctum trinae veritatis una manente substantia Deum esse perfectum? R. Credo.

(10) The Baptismal formula: "Baptizo te credentem in Nomine, etc., ut habeas vitam in saecula saeculorum."

(11) The Chrismation. The formula is the same as the modern Roman.

(12) The Feet-washing. The words are slightly different from those in the Gothicum, Bobbio, and Stowe, but to the same effect.

(13) The "Post Baptismum". A single prayer (without a Bidding Prayer) beginning "Deus ad quem scubias veteris hominis in fonte depositas". It will be seen that there is no giving of the white robe in the Gallicum, and that the signing of the hand, found in the Celtic Rite, is absent from both it and the Gothicum.

The Holy Week ceremonies which are mixed with the Baptismal service in the two books are not very characteristic. The couplets of invitatory and collect which occur in the Roman Good Friday service are given with verbal variations in the Gothicum; in both, however, there are other prayers of a similar type and prayers for some of the Hours of Good Friday and Easter Eve. The Blessing of the Paschal Candle consists of a Bidding Prayer and collect (in the Gothicum only), the "Exulter" and its Preface nearly exactly as in the Roman, a "Collectio post benedictionem cerei", and "Collectio post hymnum cerei." There is no ceremony of the New Fire in either.

B. The Ordination services of the Gallican Rite do not occur in any of the avowedly Gallican books, but they are found in the Gelasian Sacramentary and the Missale Francorum, that is to say, a mixed form which does not agree with the more or less contemporary Roman form in the Leonine and Gregorian Sacramentaries, though it contains some Roman prayers, is found in these two books, and it may be reasonably be inferred that the differences are of Gallican origin. Moreover, extracts relating to ceremonial are given with them from the Statuta Ecclesia Antiqua, formerly attributed the Fourth Council of Carthage, but now known to be a Gallican decree "promulgated in the province of Arles towards the end of the fifth century" (Duschene). The ceremonial therein contained agrees with that described in "De Officiis Ecclesiasticis" by St. Isidore of Seville. The forms of minor orders, including subdeacon, were very short, and consisted simply of the delivery of the instruments: keys to the porters, books of lectors, and exorcists, cruets to acolytes, chalice, paten, basin, ewer and towel to subdeacons, occur, Bidding Prayers and all, in the Roman Pontifical of today. In the ordination of deacons there is a form which is found in the Byzantine Rite, but has not been adopted in the Roman, the recognition by the people, after an address, with the cry of "Dignus est!". This is used for priests and bishops also (cf. Axios, in the Byzantine ordinations). The Bidding Prayer and collect which follow are both in the present Roman Pontifical, though separated by much additional matter. The ordination of priests was of the same type as that of deacons, with the addition of the anointing of the hands. The address, with a varied end, and the collect (but not the Bidding Prayer), and the anointing of the hands with its formula are in the modern Roman Pontifical, but with very large additions. The consecration of bishops began, after an election, with a presentation and recognition, neither of which is in the modern Pontifical. Then followed a long Bidding Prayer, also not adopted in the Roman Rite, and the Consecration Prayer Deus omnium honorum, part of which is embodied in the Preface in the Leonine and Gregorian Sacramentaries, and in the present Pontifical. During this prayer two bishops held the Book of the Gospels over the candidate, and all the bishops laid their hands on his head. Then followed the anointing of the hands, but apparently not of the head as in the modern rite, with a formula which is not in the Roman books.

C. The Consecration of a Church does not occur in the recognized Gallican books and from prayers in the Gelasian Sacramentary and Missale Francorum. It would seem, as Mgr. Duschene shows in his excellent analysis of both rites (Origines du culte chrétien), that at a time when the Roman Rite of Consecration was exclusively funerary and contained little else but the deposition of the relics, as shown in the Ordines in the St. Amand manuscript (Bibl. Nat. Lat. 974), the Gallican Rite resembled more closely that of the modern Pontifical, which may be presumed to have borrowed from it. The commentary of Remigius of Auxerre (late ninth century), published by Marténe, and the Sacramentary of Angoulꭥ (Bibl. Nat. Lat. 12048) are the other authorities from which Duchesne derives his details. The order of the Celtic Consecration given in the Leabhar Breac is very similar (see CELTIC RITE). The order is:

(1) The Entrance of the bishop, with "Tollite portas, principes, vestras", etc., which exhibits the outline of the present rite. (2) The Alphabets, as at present. (3) The Exorcism, Blessing and mixing of water, salt, ashes, and wine. (4) The Lustration of the Altar and the inside of the Church. (5) The Consecration Prayers. These are the prayers "Deus, qui loca nomini tuo", and "Deus sanctificationum, omnipotens dominator", which occur at the same point at present. The latter prayer in the Gallican Rite is worked into a Preface (in the Roman sense of the word). (6) The Anointing of the Altar with chrism, with the five crosses as at present. the Celtic Rite had seven. (7) The anointing of the Church with chrism. Nothing is said about crosses on the walls. (8) The Consecration of the Altar with the burning of a cross of incense thereon, and a Bidding Prayer and collect. (9) The Blessing of linen, vessels, etc. (10) The Translation of the Relics which have been kept in a separate place and a night watch kept over them. This service, which is clearly the modern elaborate consecration in germ, has also many points in common with the Akolouthia eis Egkainia Naou in the Byzantine Euchologion, which is still simpler. The three are evidently three stages of the same service.

Publication information Written by Henry Jenner. Transcribed by Geoffrey K. Mondello, Ph.D.. The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume VI. Published 1909. New York: Robert Appleton Company. Nihil Obstat, September 1, 1909. Remy Lafort, Censor. Imprimatur. +John M. Farley, Archbishop of New York

The Divine (Gallican) Liturgy-Mass, a Contemporary Reconstruction

Orthodox Catholic Church of France Information

According to Saint Germain of Paris

Preparation of the Gifts (Proskomedi)

The priest vested fully, or with only a stole, assisted by an acolyte with thurible, prepares the Gifts at the table of preparation (prothesis).

Priest: In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit.

For unto us a child is born, unto us a son is given, and his name shall be called Wonderfull Counselor, mighty God, Everlasting Father, Prince of Peace; and his uncreated rule shall have no end. Through the prayers of the Theotokos, O Lord have mercy on us.

He takes the bread with his left hand and says,

Blessed (+) are they who are called to the wedding feast of the Lamb.

He takes the spear and traces a cross three times on the Lamb, saying:

Behold the Lamb of God (+) who takes away the sins of the world.

He cuts the bread (right side, left side, top and bottom or east, west, north and south) into cubic form:

The Lamb has been sacrificed. He has redeemed men from all the nations. He has made us kings and priests for our God, and we shall reign with Him on earth.

He places the Lamb on the paten and pierces it with a spear saying:

And the soldiers pierced his side with a spear.

He pours wine into the chalice:

And from out of his side came forth blood and water, by His wounds we have been healed. Come and I shall show you the Bride, who has the Lamb for her spouse.

He blesses water, using little, and pours it into the chalice in the form of a cross:

O God Who hast wonderfully created (+) and yet more wonderfully (+) restored the dignity of human nature: grant that through this water (+) and this wine, we may share in the divine life of Him Who humbled Himself to share our humanity.

He passes the tower (asterisk), pall and veils through the rising incense in the form of a cross, and places the tower over the lamb on the paten saying: First in the Virgin's womb, then in the cave, then in the tomb, Thou hast rested O Creator of heaven and earth. Now condescend to abide in us O Saviour of Mankind.

He covers the gifts with three veils (one on the paten, on the chalice and the larger one, the "aer". over both):

The Lord our God, the Almighty reigns, Let us rejoice and be glad, and let us give Him glory. For the wedding feast of the Lamb draws near, and His Bride, the Church, is in readiness; She is arrayed in fine linen, dazzling and pure, made ready through the virtues of the saints. Through their prayers, O Lord, be mindful of my Bishop, of Thy people, and of me Thine unworthy priest. Amen. He censes the gifts saying:

O Lord may our prayers rise before Thy face as incense, for the salvation of the whole world, through Thy love and mercy for mankind, O Father, Son and Holy Spirit, our God, Who art blessed, live, reign and triumph unto the ages of ages. Amen.


(Sacrament of the Word)


Without exception, each time the deacon makes a proclamation, he takes his stole into his right hand.

Deacon: All rise! Let us attend, in silence!

The clergy process in the following order: crucifer, acolytes, thurifer, torchbearers, deacon carrying the Gospel Book, priests, while the choir chants the:


At vesperal liturgies the Praelegendum is replaced by the Cosmic psalm (Ps. 103), preceded and followed by the antiphon of the day, Vespers, Sunday, or the preceding feast.

In going toward the sanctuary, the clergy says in a moderate voice:

Deacon: Let us pray.

Celebrant: O Lord our God, Thee have appointed armies of angels to serve Thy majesty in the heavens, grant that our entrance into the Holy of Holies be one also with Thy incorporeal spirits, so that together with us they may celebrate and glorify Thy unbounded goodness. To Thee be glory unto the ages of ages.

Deacon: Amen. Bless the entrance, Father.

The celebrant blesses the Holy Doors, saying:

Celebrant: (+) Blessed be the entrance of the Saints.

The deacon opens the holy doors, the celebrant(s) enter(s) the sanctuary, and the deacon places the Gospel Book on the altar. Celebrant(s) kiss(es) the Gospel Book and then the altar, saying:

Celebrant: Hail, Word of eternal life! Hail, Throne of the Most High!

The celebrant kisses the antimins and presents it to his concelebrant(s) saying:

Celebrant: Through the prayers of the saint whose relics are here present, have mercy on me, O Lord!

With raised hands:

Celebrant: O Heavenly King, O Comforter, True Spirit, Who art everywhere present and fillest all things, Treasury of blessings and Giver of life: Come and abide in us, cleanse us from every iniquity and save our souls, O Good One.

Celebrant blesses himself, saying:

Celebrant: (+) O God, come to my assistance.

Deacon: O Lord, make haste to help me.

Celebrant signs his lips, saying:

Celebrant: (+) O God, open my lips.

Deacon: And my mouth shall announce Thy praise.

Celebrant: Glory be to the (+) Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Spirit,

Deacon: As it was in the beginning, both now and always, and unto the ages of ages. Amen.


Upon completion of the Praelegendum, the deacon faces the faithful and says:

Deacon: Let us be silent!

The celebrant blesses the faithful, saying:

Celebrant: (+) The Lord always be with you!

All: And with your spirit!


The thurifer presents the thurible to the celebrant who blesses the incense, saying in a medium voice:

Celebrant: May the Lord enkindle in us the fire of His love and the flame of eternal charity.

The celebrant takes the thurible and the major clergy intone the Trisagion:

Clergy: Agios o Theos (+),

The celebrant censes the altar, and after censing the deacon, gives him the thurible. The deacon then censes the clergy, the icons, and the faithful while the choir sings:

Choir: Agios Ischiros, Agios Athanatos,

All: Eleison imas.

Choir: Sanctus Deus (+), Sanctus Fortis, Sanctus Immortalis,

All: Miserere nobis.

Choir: Holy God (+), Holy Mighty, Holy Immortal,

All: Have mercy on us.

The celebrant faces the altar, lifts the Gospel Book, and makes with it the sign of the cross and proclaims:

Celebrant: Blessed be the (+) Holy Trinity, the undivided Unity, eternal, immortal, invisible, to Whom be honor and glory unto the ages of ages!

All: Amen!

Pontifical Celebration

If the bishop is presiding, he turns to the faithful and blesses them with the dikerion and trikerion, saying: Bishop: Lord, look down from the heavens on high and see, visit and strengthen this vine which Thy right hand has planted.


Choir: Kyrie eleison.

HYMN - Sung by all.


Benedictus: Advent and Lent.

Clergy: Blessed be the Lord, * the God of Israel...

All: For He has visited * and redeemed His people. And has raised up a horn of salvation for us * in the house of David His servant. As He spoke through the mouths of His holy prophets, * who have been from of old. That He might free us from our enemies * and from the hand of all who hate us. He has shown mercy to our fathers * and has remembered His Holy Covenant. And the oath that He swore to our father Abraham, * He would deliver us, That, freed from the hand of our enemies, * we may serve Him, In holiness and righteousness * before Him all of our days. And you, child, shall be called a prophet of the Most High, * for you shall go before the face of the Lord to prepare His way. To give knowledge of salvation to His people, * through the remission of their sins. Through the tender mercy of our God * by which He has visited us, rising from on high. To illumine those who sit in darkness and in the shadow of death, * to direct our steps into the way of peace. Glory be to the Father, and to the Son, * and to the Holy Spirit; As it was in the beginning, both now and always, * and unto the ages of ages. Amen.

Beatitudes: Time after Pentecost to Advent.

Clergy: In Thy Kingdom, * Remember us, O Lord.

All: Blessed are the poor in spirit, * for theirs is the kingdom of heaven. Blessed are they who mourn, * for they shall be comforted. Blessed are the meek, * for they shall inherit the earth. Blessed are they who hunger and thirst after righteousness, * for they shall be satisfied. Blessed are the merciful, * for they shall obtain mercy. Blessed are the pure of heart, * for they shall see God. Blessed are the peacemakers, * for they shall be called the children of God. Blessed are they who are persecuted for righteousness' sake, * for theirs is the kingdom of heaven. Blessed are you when men shall revile you and persecute you, * and shall say all manner of evil against you falsely for My sake; Rejoice and be glad, * for great is your reward in heaven. Glory be to the Father, and to the Son, * and to the Holy Spirit; As it was in the beginning, both now and always, * and unto the ages of ages. Amen. In Thy Kingdom, * Remember us, O Lord. Gloria: From Nativity to the last Sunday after the Theophany and from the first Sunday after Pascha to the Sunday in the octave of the Ascension.

Clergy: Glory be God in the Highest,

All: And on earth Peace to men of good will. We praise Thee! We bless Thee! We adore Thee! We glorify Thee! We give Thee thanks for Thy great glory! Lord God, heavenly King, God the Father Almighty. Lord Jesus Christ, the only begotten Son. Lord God, Lamb of God, Son of the Father. Thou, Who takest away the sins of the world, have mercy on us. Thou, Who takest away the sins of the world, receive our prayer. Thou, Who sittest at the right hand of the Father, have mercy on us. For Thou alone art Holy! Thou alone art Lord! Thou alone art the Most High, Jesus Christ! With the Holy (+) Spirit in the Glory of God the Father. Amen!

Feasts: the hymn of the feast or the Great Antiphon of Vespers.

Ferias and vesperal liturgies: one may sing the hymn of Sunday according to the liturgical season or the hymn of the preceding feast.

a) Festal b) Sanctoral c) Patronal

Celebrant: (+) The Lord always be with you!

All: And with your spirit!

Celebrant: Let us pray:

Sundays and Feasts: Collect of the Day (see Proper).

Ferias: Collect of the saint of the day or for a particular intention.

Vesperal liturgies: Either the Collect of the saint of the day or the prayer of Vespers (Grant, O Lord, ... (cf. appendix). The collects are generally concluded with one of the following:

Celebrant: ... through Jesus Christ our Lord, Thou and the Holy Spirit, One God, unto the ages of ages.


Celebrant: ... O Holy Trinity, glory to Thee Who lives, reigns and triumphs with Thee unto the ages of ages.

All: Amen.


The clergy are then seated behind the altar. According to the Proper. See the liturgical calendar. When there are two readings before the Gospel, the Gradual is chanted after the first. The lector bows:


(Old Testament)

Lector: (in a moderate voice) Bless me, father.

Celebrant: (+) May the shadow and darkness of death disperse, and may the light of the Most High illumine our understanding.

Lector: A reading from the (book of ) (prophet) N...


Intoned by a cantor, it is chanted by the choir with responses by the assembly.

Sundays and feasts: Gradual of the day.

Vesperal liturgies: Long response of the Vespers of the day.

During the chanting of the Gradual, the lector presents the Book of Epistles to the celebrant and asks his blessing. If the lector is the cantor, he remains at the ambo.



Lector: (in a moderate voice) Bless me, father.

Celebrant: (+) May the Lord be blessed by the mouths of His Apostles or (Saints or Prophets)

Lector: A reading from the Epistle of the blessed apostle Paul to... [or]

A reading from the catholic Epistle of the blessed apostle N...


The following is chanted on Sundays and feasts, and omitted on ferial days.

Choir: Blessed art Thou, Lord God of our fathers, worthy to be praised, glorified, and exalted forever. Blessed is Thy Name, Holy and glorious, worthy to be praised and exalted forever. Blessed art Thou in Thy Holy Temple, worthy of supreme praise and glory forever. Blessed art Thou on the throne of Thy Kingdom, worthy of supreme praise and exaltation forever.

All: Blessed art Thou Who beholds the depths, and Who sit upon the cherubim, worthy of praise and glory forever.

During the chanting of the Benedicite, the celebrant says in a medium voice:

Celebrant: Father of our Lord, source of all knowledge and wisdom, in Thy infinite goodness Thou hast spoken to us many times and in diverse manners through Thy servants the angels and the prophets; and, in the fullness of time, Thou deigned to speak through Thy own Son, revealing to the Church through Him, Thy inseparable Word, the Mysteries hidden even from the gaze of the four living creatures who, now moved to the utmost by Thy outpouring of love for mankind, never cease to sing to you and adore Thee. Grant, we beseech Thee, that our unworthy and weak voices may join with theirs in saying: Holy, holy, holy, Lord God Almighty!


(or Tract in Lent and on Ember Days)

Choir: Alleluia, alleluia, alleluia.

The cantor chants the verse of the day (see the Proper).

All: Alleluia, alleluia, alleluia.

At vesperal liturgies the Alleluia is replaced by the Lucernarium psalm intoned by the deacon. During the chant, the celebrant offers incense with raised hands, censes the altar making the tour, and then the Gospel Book.


SOLEMN RITE (Sundays and feasts)

During the Alleluia or the Tract, the deacon takes the Gospel Book at the level of his head and faces the people. The chant completed, he goes to the pulpit proclaiming:

Deacon: Agios! Sanctus! Holy! Lord God Almighty!

All: Who was, Who is, Who shall come!

From the pulpit, the deacon turns to the altar with the Book of Gospels and says:

Deacon: Bless me, father.

Celebrant: (+) May Jesus, our God, the First and the Last, living unto ages of ages, Who holds the keys of death and hell, grant you a pure heart and pure lips and a voice like a loud trumpet to announce the Word, sealed to impure spirits. Open our ears, O Lord, that we may understand what the Spirit says to the Church.

Deacon: Amen.


During the chant (Alleluia, Tract, or Lucernarium psalm), the celebrant gives the Gospel Book to the deacon, saying in a moderate voice:

Deacon: Bless me, father.

Celebrant: (+) May Jesus, our God, the First and the Last, living unto the ages of ages, Who holds the keys of death and hell, grant you a pure heart and pure lips and a voice like a loud trumpet to announce the Word, sealed to impure spirits. Open our ears, O Lord, that we may understand what the Spirit says to the Church.

Deacon: Amen.

The Alleluia or Lucernarium psalm finished, the deacon, holding the Gospel Book solemnly, advances toward the pulpit, proclaiming:

Deacon: Agios! Sanctus! Holy! Lord God Almighty!

All: Who was, Who is, Who shall come!

The deacon censes the Gospel Book and proclaims:

Deacon: All rise! Let us attend, in silence! Let us listen to the holy Gospel!

The celebrant blesses the faithful, saying:

Celebrant: (+) The Lord always be with you.

All: And with your spirit.


( See the liturgical calendar)

Deacon: A reading from the Holy (+) Gospel according to Saint N..., (+)(+)(+)

With the right thumb all make a small sign of the Cross on their forehead, lips, and heart; all face the deacon.

All: Glory to Thee, O Lord.

Deacon: At that time... The deacon chants the Gospel.

At the end of the reading:

All: Praise to Thee, O Christ.

The deacon returns to the sanctuary and presents the Gospel Book to be kissed by the priests, and deacons. He then places it on the right side of the altar. At Sunday and festal liturgies the choir chants:

Choir: Holy, holy, holy, Lord God Almighty! He Who was, Who is, Who shall come. Let every race and every tongue, every people and all the nations exalt Him.

All: For He has made us kings and priests, and we shall reign with Him on earth. To Him is glory unto the ages of ages. Amen.

If the bishop is presiding, he turns to the faithful and blesses them with the dikerion and trikerion, during which they chant the acclamation:

All: Is pola eti despota!




The celebrant unfolds the antimins and, unless otherwise indicated by the Proper, chants the Litany of St. Martin. The litany varies according to the office (baptism, marriage, burial) and the liturgical season (Pascha, Pentecost, etc.). In the absence of a deacon, the celebrant chants the litany from the altar.

Deacon: Let us say with all our heart and mind, and with all our spirit: Lord, hear us and have mercy on us.

All: (+) Kyrie eleison.

Deacon: For the peace from on high, for tranquil times, for the holy Church which extends to the far corners of the earth, and for the union of all, let us pray to the Lord.

All: (+) Kyrie eleison.

Deacon: For our Patriarch N ... , all Orthodox patriarchs, our Bishop N...

If the bishop is participating in the liturgy, seated upon his cathedra, the deacon in naming him turns and salutes him. The celebrant also bows. The bishop blesses them.

If the bishop is presiding, the clergy at the altar, and then everyone, chants while the bishop blesses them:

Clergy: Kyrie eleison, Kyrie eleison, Kyrie eleison!

All: Kyrie eleison, Kyrie eleison, Kyrie eleison!

Deacon: ... and all the bishops, the priests, the deacons, the clergy and all the faithful, let us pray to the Lord.

All: (+) Kyrie eleison.

Deacon: For this Temple, for this city and all who live here, for our country and all civil authorities, that God may grant them wisdom so that we may live in peace and tranquillity, let us pray to the Lord.

All: (+) Kyrie eleison.

Deacon: For all civil servants, monks and nuns, virgins, husbands and wives, widows and orphans, and for all who labor in exhausting work, let us pray to the Lord.

All: (+) Kyrie eleison.

Deacon: For seasonable weather, the fertility of the fields, the abundance of the fruits of the earth, and for wholesome air, earth, and water, let us pray to the Lord.

All: (+) Kyrie eleison.

Deacon: For penitents, catechumens, for those who search for God but cannot yet name Him, and for those who do not now search for Him or resist His grace, let us pray to the Lord.

All: (+) Kyrie eleison.

Deacon: For those who confess the blessed Name of Christ, for those who are persecuted, for travelers in danger and for their safe return, for the sick, [and in particular, N...], for those who are tormented by sadness, anguish and impure spirits, let us pray to the Lord.

All: (+) Kyrie eleison.

Here may be placed other/special intentions for particular intentions: (baptism, entrance into Orthodoxy, ordination, etc.)

Deacon: For ...

All: (+) Kyrie eleison.

Deacon: For our departed parents, brothers and sisters who rest here and elsewhere, [and in particular for N...], let us pray to the Lord.

All: (+) Kyrie eleison.

Deacon: For those who, in the holy Church, sing, serve, and distribute their goods in works of mercy, let us pray to the Lord.

All: (+) Kyrie eleison.

Deacon: That the Lord may fill us with His grace through the prayers of our Lady the Mother of God and ever-Virgin Mary, of Saint Michael the Archangel and the heavenly hosts, of Saint John the Baptist and Forerunner, the Apostles, Martyrs, Confessors, of Saints NN...,

Here are placed the names of the patron saints of the parish, of the place, and of the day. ...whom we remember this day, and of all the Saints.

All: (+) Grant this, O Lord.

Deacon: That the Lord may obtain for us pardon of our sins and a Christian and peaceful end to our lives,

All: (+) Grant this, O Lord.

Deacon: That the Lord may keep us in the holiness and purity of the Orthodox Catholic faith.

All: (+) Grant this, O Lord.

Deacon: Let us say with all our heart and with all our spirit:

All: (+) Kyrie eleison, Kyrie eleison, Kyrie eleison.


During the triple Kyrie, the celebrant says in a moderate voice the Collect post-precem.

Unless otherwise indicated by the Proper, he says the following:

Celebrant: O God, our refuge and our strength, Giver of all good things, be attentive to the supplications of Thy Church. Grant us that for which we ask with so much confidence:

The Collects post-precem are always concluded with the following doxology, said in a loud voice:

Celebrant: Through Thy mercy and love for mankind, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, our God, Who are blessed and Who live, reign and triumph unto the ages of ages.

All: Amen.

The deacon turns to the faithful and proclaims:

Deacon: The doors! Close the doors!

The porters or the acolytes close the grills which access the nave.

LITURGY OF THE FAITHFUL (Sacrament of the Eucharist)

The deacon turns to the faithful and proclaims:

Deacon: Let us be silent!

The celebrant blesses the faithful saying:

Celebrant: (+) The Lord always be with you.

If a bishop is present:

Bishop: (+) May peace always be with you.

All: And with thy spirit.

Deacon: Let our lips be open and our mouths proclaim that which faith has placed in our hearts!


The Creed is omitted at ferial liturgies, votive liturgies, or when it has been confessed before the liturgy in the course of a baptism or an entrance into Orthodoxy. The deacon presents the thurible to the celebrant who blesses the incense, saying in a moderate voice:

Celebrant: (+) Through the intercession of blessed Michael the Archangel, who stands at the right hand of the altar of fragrance, may the Lord deign to bless this incense and receive its pleasant scent.

The clergy chant the Creed.

Clergy: I believe in one God ...

As the clergy chant the Creed, the deacon censes the altar, the sanctuary, the church, the clergy, and then the faithful, while all chant:

All: ... the Father Almighty, Maker of heaven and earth, and of all things, visible and invisible. And in one Lord Jesus Christ, the only-begotten Son of God, begotten of the Father before all ages. Light of Light; true God of true God; begotten, not made; one in essence with the Father, by Whom all things were made; Who for us men and for our salvation came down from heaven; He was incarnate of the Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary, and became man. He was crucified for us under Pontius Pilate, and suffered, and was buried. And the third day He rose again, according to the Scriptures, and He ascended into heaven, and sits at the Right Hand of the Father; and He shall come again in glory to judge the living and the dead; His Kingdom shall have no end. And I believe in the Holy Spirit, the Lord, the Giver of Life, Who proceeds from the Father; Who with the Father and the Son together is worshipped and glorified; Who spoke by the prophets. And in (+) One, Holy, Catholic, and Apostolic Church. I confess one baptism for the remission of sins. I look for the resurrection of the dead, and the life of the age to come. Amen.


The celebrant goes to the front of the holy doors, faces the faithful, and says:


(Preface for the faithful)

See the Proper. Unless otherwise indicated, the following is said:

Celebrant: Beloved brothers and sisters, call upon the Holy Spirit with me, that He may impart to me His ineffable power and that I, an unworthy priest, might dare to offer the Holy oblation of our Lord Jesus Christ, because in truth it is He Who offers and Who is offered, He Who receives and Who distributes, He Who is co-eternal with the Father and the Holy Spirit unto the ages of ages.

If the liturgy is being concelebrated:

Celebrant: Beloved brothers and sisters, call upon the Holy Spirit with us, that He may impart to us His ineffable power and that we, unworthy priests, might dare to offer the Holy oblation of our Lord Jesus Christ, because in truth it is He Who offers and Who is offered, He Who receives and Who distributes, He Who is co-eternal with the Father and the Holy Spirit unto the ages of ages.

All: Amen. May the Holy Spirit descend upon you, and the power of the Most High overshadow you.

Celebrant: Forgive me (us), my brothers and sisters.

All: Forgive us, father(s), and pray for us.

The celebrant blesses the faithful, saying:

Celebrant: (+) May God forgive you.


The minor clergy form a procession before the door of the prothesis. During the Sonus, the deacon (or, in his absence, the celebrant), having asked the blessing of the celebrant, goes to the prothesis, takes the chalice and the paten and, preceded by the minor clergy, leaves the sanctuary, and makes his way to the back of the church and returns to the sanctuary through the holy doors.

SONUS (1st part of the chant of the Offertory)

Sundays, feasts, and ferias: Unless otherwise indicated by the Proper, the choir chants:

Choir: Let all mortal flesh keep silence, and with fear and trembling stand. Ponder nothing earthly minded, for the King of kings and Lord of lords advances so that He may be immolated and give Himself to nourish the faithful.

Vesperal liturgies: O Joyous Light...

During the procession of the gifts, the celebrant says in a moderate voice:

Celebrant: No one who is bound by the desires and passions of the flesh is worthy to appear before Thee, to approach Thee and to serve Thee, O King of glory, because serving Thee is great and awesome even for the heavenly powers. Nevertheless, through Thy ineffable and immeasurable kindness for mankind, became man without change or alteration and have become our High-Priest, entrusting us, O Master of all things, with the ministry of this liturgical and bloodless sacrifice . Thou alone, O Lord our God, rule over those in the heavens and on the earth, art borne on the throne of the Cherubim, Lord of the Seraphim, King of Israel, Thou alone art Holy resting among the saints. It is Thou Whom I implore Who alone are good and ready to help; cast Thy eyes upon me, a sinner and useless servant; purify my soul and my heart of an evil conscience; by the power of Thy Holy Spirit make me, who am clothed with the grace of priesthhood, worthy to stand before the Holy Table and to consecrate Thy most pure and holy Body and Thy precious Blood. I come before Thee with bowed head, and I beseech Thee: do not turn Thy face away from me, do not cast me out from among the number of Thy children, but make me, a sinner and unworthy servant, worthy to present these gifts to Thee.

LAUDES (2nd part of the chant of the Offertory)

Sundays, feasts, and ferias:

Unless otherwise indicated by the Proper, at the moment when the deacon enters the sanctuary, the choir sings: Choir: The angelic choirs precede Him with all the Principalities, the Powers, the Cherubim with innumerable eyes and the six-winged Seraphim flying before His face singing:

All: Alleluia, alleluia, alleluia.

Vesperal liturgies:

The three Alleluias are omitted.

In Lent:

Glory to Thee, O Lord; Glory to Thee, O Lord; Glory to Thee, O Lord.

During the Laudes, the celebrant takes the chalice and paten and places them on the altar; he removes the chalice and communion veils, then covers all of the gifts with a chalice [aer] veil, first perfuming it with incense. The thurifer gives the thurible to the celebrant, who censes the gifts and saying one of the three following prayers in a moderate voice:

Celebrant: The noble Joseph, when he had taken Thy pure Body from the Tree, wrapped it in fine linen and spices and placed it in a new tomb. [or]

Celebrant: Thy tomb, O Christ, is more splendid than a royal dwelling, for it is the Bridal Chamber and Source of the Resurrection. [or]

Celebrant: The Lord our God the Almighty, reigns. Let us rejoice and be glad and let us give Him glory, for the marriage feast of the Lamb has come, and the Church, His Bride, has prepared herself; she is clothed in fine linen, sparkling and pure, she is adorned with the virtues of the Saints.

Then bowing and blessing the gifts:

Celebrant: With a humble spirit and contrite heart, we pray to Thee, O Lord, (+) that the angel of blessing may descend upon these offerings prepared to the glory of Thy Name.


An acolyte approaches for the lavabo; the celebrant washes his hands, saying in a moderate voice:

Celebrant: I shall wash my hands among the innocent and I shall go about Thy altar, O Lord, that I may hear Thy praises and tell about all of Thy wonderful deeds. O Lord, I have loved the beauty of Thy House and the place where Thy glory dwells. My foot stands firm on the right path, and I shall bless Thee in the assembly of the faithful. Glory be to the (+) Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Spirit; as it was in the beginning, both now and always, and unto the ages of ages. Amen.

SECRET (Collect of the Offertory)

Unless otherwise indicated by the Proper, the celebrant says in a moderate voice:

Celebrant: Accept, O Holy Trinity, the offerings of Thy people and send down Thy heavenly grace to sanctify the gifts here present and purify us of all our sins. (If the bishop is celebrating, he turns to the faithful and blesses them with the dikerion and trikerion, during which they acclaim:

All: Is polla eti despota!)


The deacon goes before the holy doors, faces the people, and begins the Diptychs and receives the offerings of the faithful.

(Note: The seven traditional offerings are: bread, wine, oil, incense, candles, the diptychs, and money. The last, according to custom, is offered at the time of the collection.)

In the absence of a deacon, the celebrant begins the diptychs before the holy doors where he collects the offerings, and then completes the diptychs at the altar. The diptychs vary according to the office (baptism, marriage, burial) and the liturgical season (Advent, Pascha, etc.). See the liturgical books.

The ordinary diptychs are the following:

Deacon: Let us bring our prayers and offerings for the holy, catholic, and apostolic Church, that the Lord may deign to strengthen her ...

All: ... in Faith, in Hope, and in Charity.

Pontifical Celebration

Deacon: For our Patriarch N.. . , and all Orthodox patriarchs, for all bishops, and in particular for our Bishop N.. . , [ he turns to the faithful and blesses them ] who without fear announce the Word of Truth and offer the holy Oblation... The deacon turns toward the altar, and maiking a bow in the direction of the sanctuary, indicates the offerings with his stole, continues: ... this Oblation which he himself offers for our Patriarch N.. . and for the Holy Synod...

The deacon returns to his place and, facing the people, continues:

... for our priests and all our clergy, For the welfare of the holy Churches of God, the reconciliation of those in discord, and the union of all, For those who confess the blessed Name of Christ, the conversion of unbelievers, the increase of fraternal charity, For peace among all people, for our own country,and those in government, For prisoners, the persecuted, the sick, the poor, for all the living and the dead, For our benefactors, and for those who persecute us and hate us, That the Lord may preserve us from earthquakes, the unleashing of the elements, fraticidal wars, and may He grant us joyous seasons in life, For all those who are here present and who are waiting for the great and abundant mercy of God, And for all Orthodox Christians, and for everyone, and for all,

All: And for everyone, and for all.

The deacon continues with, United to our bishop, to our priests....

Deacon: For our Patriarch N..., all Orthodox patriarchs, our Bishop N..., and all bishops who without fear announce the Word of Truth and offer the Holy Oblation, for them, the clergy and the Christian people,

All: And for everyone, and for all.

Here the collection is taken, or the seven offerings.

Deacon: United to them, (with our bishop, if he is present ), our priests ( if no deacon serves: we priests) and the people here present, let us remember in spirit those who are being sorely tried, the captives, the infirm, the pilgrims, that the Lord may deign to protect, redeem, cure and comfort them.

[Let us also pray in particular N...]

Here is placed the reading of the diptychs of the living during which the choir chants softly, until the end of the names,

Choir: Remember them, O Lord... Remember them, O Lord...

Deacon: ... as well as for our enemies and for those who hate us.

Choir: Remember them, O Lord.

Deacon: In communion with and in remembrance of the holy Archangel Michael and all the heavenly hosts, of the Patriarchs, Judges, Kings and Prophets, of Saint John the Baptist and Forerunner, and above all, of our holy Lady, the Mother of God and ever-Virgin Mary.

The deacon turns toward the icon of the Theotokos.

All: Thou art truly the Mother of God, we exalt Thee. The deacon turns again toward the royal people and continues. The list of saints is completed according to circumstances and local [sentence is incomplete here].

Deacon: Of the Holy Apostles Peter, Paul, John, James and all the apostles, disciples and evangelists of the Lord; of the Holy Arch-Deacon and Proto-Martyr Stephen, of Timothy, George, Laurence, Justin, Polycarp, Sebastian, Cosmas and Damian, Proto-Martyr Alban of Britain, and Kilian; of Agnes, Agatha, Perpetua and Felicity, Cecilia, Catherine, Barbara, Christina, Blandine, and of all the holy martyrs.

During the commemoration of the saints, the choir continuously chants softly:

Choir: Draw near to us, O Lord, through their prayers.

Deacon: Of Jerome and Irenaeus, Martin of Tours, Denis, and Athanasius; of Basil the Great, Gregory the Theologian, and John Chrysostom; of Dunstan of Canterbury, Gregory Of Rome, Colman of Dromore and Finbarr of Cork; of Germain of Paris whose Liturgy we celebrate, John of Shanghai and San Francisco, Patron of our Western Orthodox Church, Nicholas, the Enlightener of Japan, and of all the holy doctors and hierarchs.

Deacon: Of Paul and Anthony of Egypt, Hilarion, Pachomius, Columba, Giles, Benedict, the Venerable Bede; of Kevin, Brendan, Leobardus the Recluse, and Vulfolaic; of Seraphim of Sarov and John of Kronstadt; of Mary of Egypt, Scholastica, Hilda of Whitby, Gertrude, Genevieve, Brigid of Kildare; Radegonde, Clothilde, Killeedy of Limerick and of all the holy hermits, monks and nuns.

Deacon: Of the Holy Apostles and Enlighteners of America, Innocent, Metropolitan of Moscow, Herman of Alaska, the martrys Peter of Kodiak Island, Priestmonk Juvenaly; of Iakov of Sitka, Smerrenikov of Akun Island, Nicholai of Zhicha and America and Justin the New of Chelije; of Saints NN ... ( patrons of the parish, of the place, and of the day ) whom we remember, and of all the Saints.

During the commemoration of the dead, the celebrant fans the veil over the gifts during the final clause he says the Collect post-nomina in a moderate voice:

Celebrant: With them we offer our prayers for all those who have gone before us in the peace of the Lord since Adam to this present day, and in particular our fathers of blessed memory, Patriarchs Justinian and Justin of Romania, Bishop John of Saint Denis, Monseigneur Irenaeus Winnaert, and for [deceased clergy and faithful]...

Here is place the diptychs of the dead during which the choir chants softly,

All: Remember them, O Lord ... Remember them, O Lord ...

The deacon turns to the altar and proclaims:

Deacon: That the Lord grant them rest where shines the radiance of His countenance, let us pray to the Lord.

All: (+) Kyrie eleison.

POST-NOMINA (Collect of the names)

From the Proper, otherwise the following:

Celebrant: Lord Jesus, Almighty God, mark with Thy salutary seal Thy servants here present and throughout the whole world, even to the ends of the earth; may they be protected from every evil, may they know Thee, Who alone are Savior of the world, O Lover of mankind, co-eternal with the Father and the Paraclete.

The celebrant always completes the Collect post-nomina by the following doxology, said in a loud voice, while blessing the gifts with the chalice veil.

Celebrant: To Thee be praise, (+) blessing, wisdom, honor, power, might and thanksgiving unto the ages of ages.

All: Amen.


Omitted on Holy Thursday, at the mass of Pascha night, and at funeral liturgies. At nuptial liturgies, only the new couple exchange the peace.

Deacon: Give the peace.

The celebrant turns toward the faithful and says:

Celebrant: May peace dwell among us.

The celebrant gives the kiss of peace (simple accolade) to the clergy who give it to the faithful who, in turn, give it to the person nearest them.

The giver says: 'Peace to you and to the Church.' The receiver says: 'And to your spirit.' For the duration of the kiss of peace, the choir chants:

Choir: Peace I leave with you; My peace I give to you, not as the world gives, do I give to you.

V. I give you a new commandment, that you should love one another as I have loved you, says the Lord.

Choir: Peace I leave with you; My peace I give to you, not as the world gives, do I give to you.

V. There is no greater love than to give one's life for one's friends, says the Lord.

Choir: Peace I leave with you; My peace I give to you, not as the world gives, do I give to you.

V. If you have love for one another, then all will know that you are My disciples.

Choir: Peace I leave with you; My peace I give to you, not as the world gives, do I give to you.

V. Glory be to the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Spirit; as it was in the beginning, both now and always, and unto the ages of ages. Amen.

All: Peace I leave with you; My peace I give to you, not as the world gives, do I give to you.


See the Proper. Unless otherwise indicated, the following is said in a moderate voice:

Celebrant: Lord Jesus Christ, Who said to Thy apostles: I leave you peace, My peace I give to you, do not consider our weakness, but on the faith of Thy Church. Draw her closer in peace and unity according to Thy will, Thou, Lover of mankind, Who livest and reignest with the Father and the Holy Spirit unto the ages of ages. Amen.

EUCHARISTIC CANON / mystery / Anaphora)

The celebrant goes before the holy doors and faces the faithful:


The deacon proclaims:

Deacon: All rise! Let us be silent! Mystery of Faith!

The celebrant blesses the faithful, saying:

Celebrant: (+) May the grace of Our Lord Jesus Christ, the love of God the Father, and the communion of the Holy Spirit always be with you,

All: And with your spirit.

The celebrant raises his hands toward heaven; the deacon raises his stole. The acolytes raise their torches.

Celebrant: Let us lift up our hearts!

All: We lift them up unto the Lord!

The celebrant and the deacon turn to the altar and bow:

Celebrant: Let us give thanks to the Lord our God.

All: It is meet and right.

The celebrant goes to the altar.

The deacon closes the holy doors (except from the night of Pascha until Ascension, when the doors remain open constantly). If there is only one deacon, he takes his place at the right of the celebrant.


See the Proper. The majority of Immolatio have, unless indicated by the Proper, the following beginning and ending. The celebrant raises his hands to God:

Celebrant: It is truly meet and right, just and profitable to salvation, to give Thee thanks at all times and in all places, Holy Lord, Almighty Father, Eternal, Ineffable, Indescribable, Invisible and Immutable God, through Christ our Lord in the Holy Spirit... (see the Proper)

... It is through Him and in Him that the angels praise Thy glory, that the dominions adore Thee, that the powers fall down in awe. The heavens, the heavenly virtues and the blessed seraphim join in their exultation and concelebrate with them. Grant, we beseech Thee, that our voices, too, may be joined with theirs in saying:


The deacon raises the tower (or the asterisk) and makes the sign of the cross over the bread.

The bell is rung loudly three times during the following.

All: Holy, holy, holy, Lord God of Sabaoth! Heaven and earth are full of Thy Glory. Hosanna in the highest! Blessed (+) is He Who comes in the Name of the Lord. Hosanna in the highest!


See the Proper. Unless otherwise indicated, the following is said:

Celebrant: Truly holy, truly blessed is Thy only-begotten, the Creator Word and God of majesty. He descended from the heavens, took the form of a slave, freely agreeing to suffer in order to set free His own creation and to restore it to the image of His glory, our Savior Jesus Christ ...


Celebrant: Who on the eve of His Passion, took bread in His holy and venerable hands, He lifted His eyes to heaven toward Thee, Holy Father, Almighty and Eternal God; He gave thanks, He (+) blessed it, broke it and gave it to His apostles and disciples, saying:

The celebrant(s) indicates the bread with the right hand, palm up. The deacon(s) bows and indicates the bread with his stole.

Celebrant: Take and eat, this is My Body which is given up for you and for many for the forgiveness of sins.

All: Amen.

The deacon, if he is alone, passes to the right of the celebrant.

Celebrant: In the same manner, after supper, He took the cup and, giving thanks, He (+) blessed it and gave it to His apostles and disciples, saying:

The celebrant(s) indicates the chalice with the right hand, palm up. The deacon(s) bows and indicates the bread with his stole.

Celebrant: Take and drink of this, all of you, this is My Blood, the Blood of the new and everlasting covenant, which is shed for you and for many for the forgiveness of sins.

All: Amen.

ANAMNESIS (Memorial)

Celebrant: Each time you do this, you will do it in memory of Me, you will proclaim My death, you will announce My Resurrection, you will await My return until I come to you from heaven with glory (...)

Here there may be variable insertions. Unless otherwise indicated by the proper, The Anamnesis ends with the following:

Celebrant: Therefore calling to mind His most glorious Passion, His Resurrection from hell and His Ascension to heaven...

The deacon (or the celebrant if no deacon serves) takes the paten with the right hand and the chalice with the left hand; then crosses his hands, the right over the left, and raises the Gifts to God. The celebrant raises his hands.


Celebrant: ... We, who are Thine, offer to Thee, on behalf of Thee, that which is Thine own, this pure Offering, this reasonable Offering, this bloodless Offering, and we ask Thee and implore Thee: receive this Oblation at Thy altar on high from the hands of Thy angels ...

The deacon replaces the Gifts on the altar, making with them the sign of the cross. He then descends from the altar and prostrates himself, except on Sundays, during Pascha, and on feasts of the Lord, when he bows profoundly. The people imitate him.

Choir: We pray Thee, O Lord, and we beseech Thy majesty: that our humble prayers may rise to Thee, O God most merciful.

During the chant, the celebrant continues in a moderate voice, raising his arms in prayer:

Celebrant: ... as Thou deigned to receive the gifts of Thy righteous servant Abel, the sacrifice of our patriarch Abraham, and that which Thy high priest, Melchizedek, offered to Thee.


Unless otherwise indicated in the Proper, the Epiclesis is the following:

Celebrant: We pray Thee, O Lord, and we beseech Thy majesty: that our humble prayers may rise to Thee, O God most merciful, and that the fullness of Thy divinity (+) descend upon us, upon this (+) Bread and upon this (+) Cup, as of old it descended upon the offerings of our fathers...

The celebrant continues in a loud voice:

Celebrant: So that this sacrifice may become the very Body (+) ...

Clergy: Amen,

Celebrant: and the Blood (+)

Clergy: Amen,

Celebrant: of Thy Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, through the (+) incomprehensible and (+) infinite power of Thy Holy Spirit.

All: Amen. Amen. Amen.

The bell is rung softly, three sets of three rings. The celebrant and the people prostrate themselves, except on Sundays, during Pascha, and on feasts of the Lord, when they bow profoundly. During the prostration or bowing, the celebrant prays in silence for the living, the dead, and for particular intentions. He may, if he desires, and unless otherwise indicated in the Proper, say the following prayer in a moderate voice:


Unless otherwise indicated in the Proper, the Post-Epiclesis is the following:

Celebrant: May these gifts be protection to those in health and healing to the sick; may they bring reconciliation to brothers in discord and increase peace and charity in abundance; may they grant wisdom to the foolish and moderation to the wise; give vigilance to the insensitive and gentleness to the zealous; and may they who partake of these Mysteries share in the same manner in the company of the elect in the heavenly Kingdom, hastening the glorious coming of Christ and the fullness of the Spirit ...

The celebrant blesses the gifts offered by the faithful during the diptychs and the bread that was extracted from the Lamb, and says the following prayer in a loud voice. (Certain feasts: Pascha, Transfiguration ..., there are particular blessings: oil, raisins, fruits, eggs, etc.)


Celebrant: Through Whom Thee createst all, and (+) bless that which is created, (+) sanctify that which is blessed, and distribute that which is (+) sanctified.


Celebrant: To Thee, Father almighty, and to the faithful and true Word, and to the Holy Spirit, the Sanctifier, are due all honor, all glory, and adoration, now and always, and unto the ages of ages.

All: Amen.


Unless indicated in the Proper, the following is chanted throughout the duration of the breaking of the bread. V. Wisdom has built her house. She has hewn her seven pillars; she has immolated her victims, mingled her wine, and prepared her table.

Choir: They recognized the Lord, alleluia, in the breaking of the bread, alleluia, alleluia.

V. Come and eat my bread, and drink of the wine which I have mixed, leave ignorance and you shall live.

Choir: They recognized the Lord, alleluia, in the breaking of the bread, alleluia, alleluia.

V. The bread which we break is the Body of the Lord, the Cup which we bless is the Blood of the Lord,

Choir: A singular and unique Mystery.

All: They recognized the Lord, alleluia, in the breaking of the bread, alleluia, alleluia.

During the chant, the celebrant breaks the Lamb, saying in a moderate voice:

Celebrant: The table is set. The Lamb of God is slain, shared but not divided, eaten but never consumed. The wine is mixed, the Blood is poured out. Let us drink of the inexhaustible cup, let us leave ignorance and proclaim this singular, unique and inspiring mystery.

At the end of the chant for the breaking of the bread, the deacon opens the holy doors and proclaims:

Deacon: Let us pray.

THE LORD'S PRAYER (Pater Noster )

Celebrant: Not by our righteousness, Holy Father, but through obedience to the commandment of Jesus Christ, Thy Son, our Savior, we dare to say:

All: Our Father, Who art in the heavens, hallowed be Thy Name. Thy Kingdom come, Thy Will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily Bread, and forgive us our debts, as we forgive our debtors. And, lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from the Evil One.

LIBERA NOS (Collect of the Our Father)

Unless otherwise indicated in the Proper, the celebrant says:


Celebrant: Deliver us, Lord, from the Evil One and from all danger. Preserve us in good works an in Thy true freedom by Thy perfect truth...,


Celebrant: Deliver us, Lord, from all evils, past, present, and to come through the intercession of our Lady, the Most Holy Mother of God and ever-Virgin Mary, of Saints NN... (saints of the day),

The Libera nos is always concluded with the following doxology:

Celebrant: For Thine is the kingdom, and the power, and the glory, unto the ages of ages.

All: Amen.


This Elevation is omitted at ferial liturgies. The celebrant elevates the Gifts. The deacon raises his stole. Unless otherwise indicated in the Proper, the following is chanted three times, each time at a higher pitch:

Clergy: The Lion of the tribe of Judah, the root of David is conqueror, alleluia.

Choir: He Who dwells amid the cherubim is conqueror, alleluia, alleluia. *

First men; second women, then all . [an obscure rubric!]

The celebrant turns toward the faithful and proclaims, while raising the Body (and the Blood) of Christ, while the deacon indicates them with his stole:

Celebrant: Holy things for the Holy.

All: One is Holy, One is the Lord, Jesus Christ, to the glory of God the Father. Amen.


During the chant, the celebrant places a particle of the Lamb into the chalice and says in a moderate voice:

Celebrant: May the union of the Body and Blood of Christ be a pledge of our transformation and of the resurrection of the faithful departed, in expectation of the end of the ages.


Celebrant: Bow your heads to receive the blessing.

All: Before Thee, O Lord.

Unless otherwise indicated in the Proper, the celebrant turns to the people and says:

Sunday Ferias

Celebrant: Lord, deign to (+) bless this family which is Thine; gladden it through Thy presence, and may these Mysteries benefit each one according to their needs, through Thy mercy, O God, Who art blessed unto the ages of ages.

All: Amen.

Celebrant: May the peace and the love of Christ (+) guard you and protect you. Amen.


As an act of economy the celebrant may pronounce a general absolution. The clergy and the prostrate themselves, except on Sundays, during Pascha and on feasts of our Lord, when all bow profoundly. After absolution, all say:

All: I believe, O Lord, and I confess, that Thee are truly the Christ, the Son of the Living God, Who did come into the world to save sinners, of whom I am the chief. And I believe that this is Thy most pure Body and truly Thy most precious Blood. At Thy mystical supper, O Son of God, receive me today as a communicant; for I shall not speak of Thy Mysteries to Thy enemies, neither shall I betray Thee with a kiss as did Judas, but like the thief shall I confess Thee: remember me, O Lord, in Thy Kingdom. Not for judgment nor for condemnation be my partaking of Thy Holy Mysteries, O Lord, but for the healing of my soul and my body. (+) O Lord, I am not worthy that Thee should enter under my roof, but only say the word and my soul shall be healed.


Communion of the Clergy

During the communion of the clergy, if there are a great number of them, the choir chants as indicated in the Proper or, if nothing is indicated, Psalm 33: I will bless the Lord at all times...

If the bishop is present, he gives a particle of the precious body to the clerics, who present themselves in hierarchical order at the left of the altar, saying: Bishop: The servant of God, celebrant (or deacon) N... receives the Body of our Lord.

The priests take a particle of the precious Body while the celebrant gives a particle to each deacon, saying:

Celebrant: Approach, deacon N..., and receive the Body of our Lord ...

The clergy, reunited around the altar, before receiving the Body, say in a low voice:

Clergy: Hail, most precious Body of Christ. The most precious Body of our Lord God and Savior Jesus Christ is given to me N..., unworthy (celebrant, deacon) for the forgiveness of my sins and eternal life.

For the communion of the precious Blood, if the bishop is present, he has each cleric drink, saying:

Bishop: Approach again, servant of God, celebrant (or deacon) N..., and receive the Blood of our Lord. (The clerics drink three times.)

If the bishop is not present, the priests communicate from the chalice; then the celebrant makes each deacon drink from the chalice, saying:

Celebrant: Approach again, deacon N..., and receive the Blood of our Lord ... (the clergy drink three times) Each cleric, before drinking the precious Blood, says in a low voice:

Celebrant: Hail, heavenly Drink which is sweet to me before and above all others. The most precious Blood of our Lord God and Savior Jesus Christ, is given to me N..., unworthy (celebrant, deacon) for the forgiveness of my sins and for eternal life. (+) In the Name of the (+) Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. Amen. Amen. Amen.

Each cleric, after drinking, kisses the base of the Cup and says in a low voice:

Cleric: This has touched my lips, and my sins are taken away.

Communion of the Faithful

As indicated in the Proper

The celebrant takes the chalice and the deacon the paten. They go before the holy doors, and the deacon proclaims:

Deacon: Behold the Lamb of God Who takes away the sins of the world! With fear of God, with faith and love, draw near!

The faithful approach for communion. On Sundays, during Pascha and on feasts of the Lord, all bow profoundly. At ferial liturgies, the faithful prostrate themselves. In giving communion, the celebrant says:

Celebrant: The (servant/handmaid) of God N... receives the Body and Blood of Christ for the forgiveness of (his/her) sins and eternal life.

( or N..., receive the Body and Blood of Christ.) The communicant (or, in his or her place, the deacon or acolyte) responds:

R. Amen.

During communion, the choir sings:

Choir: O taste and see how sweet is the Lord. (twice) The choir alternates the chant with the following strophes, ad libitum, or those of the Proper (strophes of communion), or the verses of the ecclesiastical Psalm (of Vespers), or, at ferial liturgies, Psalm 34.

V. We eat Thy sacred Body, crucified for us...

R. ...We drink Thy precious Blood, poured out for us.

Choir: O taste and see how sweet is the Lord. (twice)

V. May Thy Body be our salvation, Thy Blood freedom from our sins...

R. ...Because of the gall which Thee drank for us, may we be kept away the venom of the demon.

Choir: O taste and see how sweet is the Lord. (twice)

V. Because of the vinegar which Thee drank for us, may our weakness find its strength...

R. ...Because of the spit which Thee received for us, the dew of Thy goodness will cover us...

Choir: O taste and see how sweet is the Lord. (twice)

V. Because of the reed with which Thee were struck, the final victory is assured for us...

R. ...Because of the crown, braided with thorns, Thou hast won an imperishable crown...

Choir: O taste and see how sweet is the Lord. (twice)

V. Because Thou wast buried inn a shroud, Thou hast clothed us in Thine invincible strength...

R. ...Because of the new tomb and Thy burial, we are born again of soul and body...

Choir: O taste and see how sweet is the Lord. (twice)

V. Because of Thy resurrection, recalling us to life, we live again and are made righteous before Thy law.

All: O taste and see how sweet is the Lord. (twice) While the celebrant and deacon return the Holy Gifts to the altar, the assembly chants, except during Great Lent:

V. Alleluia.

All: Alleluia.

The celebrant turns toward the faithful and blesses them:

Celebrant: Lord, (+) pour out Thy blessing and Thy grace on those who have received Thy Holy Mysteries with faith.



Unless otherwise indicated by the Proper, the following is chanted:

All: We have seen the true Light, we have received the heavenly Spirit, we have found the true faith, let us worship the indivisible Trinity, because it is the Trinity Who has saved us.

During the chant, the celebrant covers the chalice and paten with the veils, and says in a moderate voice:

Celebrant: Thou hast washed us in Thy Blood, Thou hast filled us with Thy Wisdom, Thou hast shared with us Thy glory, O Immortal and Everlasting Passover of the world. The thurifer gives the thurible to the celebrant, who censes the chalice and the paten, saying in a moderate voice:

Celebrant: God goes up amid shouts of joy; the Lord rises up at the sound of the trumpet .

The celebrant takes the Holy Gifts and blesses the faithful, who bow:

Celebrant: (+) The Lord always be with you.

All: And with your spirit.

The celebrant gives the Holy Gifts to the deacon, who takes them to the altar of preparation.

The celebrant folds the antimins and places it in the burse, and places the Gospel Book in the middle of the atar, while the sings, unless otherwise indicated by the Proper, the second part of the Trecanum :

All: Nourished by the heavenly Bread and given life by the eternal Chalice, let us unceasingly render thanks to Christ, always present in His Church. He has come to us in His Sacraments and shall return in glory to judge the world, He Who is co-eternal with the Father and the Spirit of Life.



Unless otherwise indicated by the Proper, the deacon sings the litany of post-communion before the holy doors, facing the faithful. If the celebrant is alone, he sings it before the altar, facing the faithful.

Deacon: Beloved brothers and sisters, having received the awesome and immortal and life-giving Mysteries, let us beseech the Lord that we might spend our time in peace, health, and sanctity, freed from the desires of the flesh in order to live in the Spirit, let us pray to the Lord.

All: Grant this, O Lord.

Unless otherwise indicated by the Proper, the celebrant says:

Celebrant: Filled with the nourishment of immortality, we give thanks to the Three-fold Light, God alone, unto the ages of ages. [ or]

We give Thee thanks, O Lord, for the nourishment of eternal life, and we ask of Thee that it may be the pledge of our union with Thee and with our brothers and sisters, O Three-fold Light, God alone, unto the ages of ages .

All: Amen.


At solemn liturgies, all or part of the following hymn is chanted:

Clergy: O Give thanks to the Lord for He is good; His mercy endures forever.

All: O Give thanks to the Lord for He is good; His mercy endures forever.

V. I shall bless the Lord without end; His praise shall ever be in my mouth.

R. Exalt the Lord with me, all of you; let us celebrate His Holy Name.

All: O Give thanks to the Lord for He is good; His mercy endures forever.

V. Glory be to the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Spirit,

Choir: As it was in the beginning, both now and always, and unto the ages of ages. Amen.

All: O Give thanks to the Lord for He is good; His mercy endures forever.

At vesperal liturgies the Magnificat is chanted with an antiphon of the Proper or of the Common. The antiphon is preceded by a Preface of the Proper or of the Common said by the celebrant facing the faithful. During the Preface of the hymn, the deacon presents the thurible to the celebrant who blesses incense.

During the chant, the deacon censes the church, the clergy, and the faithful (see the appendix).


Celebrant: O Lord, let Thy mercy be upon us!

All: According to the hope that we have placed in Thee.

If the bishop is presiding, he says:

Bishop: Lord, hear my prayer.

All: And let my cry come unto you. The bishop turns toward the faithful and blesses them with both hands.

Bishop: (+) Peace always be with you.

All: And with your spirit.

The bishop turns again to the altar and says in a moderate voice:

Bishop: May the sacrifice of thanksgiving of your unworthy servants be acceptable to Thee, O Holy Trinity, and through Thy infinite goodness may it be a propitiation for us... [ turning to the faithful and blessing them ] ... through the prayers of our Lady, the Mother of God and ever- Virgin Mary, of Saint Germain of Paris whose Liturgy we celebrate, [of Saint N...(patron of the parish )], of Saints NN..., ( saints of the place and of the day) whom we remember this day, and of all the Saints.


Celebrant: Bow your heads to receive the blessing.

All: Before Thee, O Lord.

Unless otherwise indicated in the Proper, the celebrant turns to the faithful and says:


Celebrant: Lord, deign to (+) bless this family which is Thine; gladden it through Thy presence, and may these Mysteries benefit each one according to their needs, through Thy mercy, O God, Who art blessed unto the ages of ages.

All: Amen.


Celebrant: May the peace and the love of Christ always (+) guard you and protect you.

All: Amen.


Deacon: The solemnities are ended; Go in peace.

All: Thanks be to God.


Deacon: Go in peace.

All: Thanks be to God.

All: Is pola eti despota. Is pola eti despota. Is pola eti despota. Holy master, give your blessing. The bishop turns again toward the faithful and blesses them with the dikerion and tricherion, saying: Bishop: ( +) May the blessing of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit descend upon you and remain with you forever.

All: Amen.

Deacon: The solemnities are ended; go in peace.

All: Thanks be to God.

The celebrant, bowing before the altar, says in a moderate voice:

Celebrant: May the sacrifice of thanksgiving of Thy unworthy servants be acceptable to Thee, O Holy Trinity, and through Thy infinite goodness may it be a propitiation for us...

Celebrant turns to the faithful and bless them Through the prayers of our Lady, the Mother of God and ever-Virgin Mary, of Saint Germain of Paris whose Liturgy we celebrate, of Saint (the Apostle) N ..., over whose relics we celebrate the Divine Liturgy, of Saint John of Shanghai and San Francisco, Patron of our Western Orthodox Church, of Saint Nicholas the Enlightener of Japan, [of Saint N... ( patron of the parish)], of Saints NN..., ( saints of the place and of the day ) whom we remember this day, and of all the Saints.

May almighty God bless Thee, (+) Father, Son, and Holy Spirit.

All: Amen.


Deacon: The solemnities are ended; go in peace.


Deacon: Go in peace.

All: Thanks be to God.

Before the holy doors (now closed), the celebrant distributes the blessed bread, while the choir chants ad libitum a hymn to the Virgin or the Great Antiphon of the day.

Then, according to the hour, one may, ad libitum, conclude with one of the Little Hours, for example, Terce, if the liturgy has ended before ten o'clock, or Sext, if it has finished toward noon.

The individual articles presented here were generally first published in the early 1980s. This subject presentation was first placed on the Internet in May 1997.

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