The Ecclesistical History of Sozomen - Book II
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comprising a history of the church, from a.d. 323 to a.d. 425.
translated from the Greek.
Revised by Chester d. Hartranft,
Hartford Theological Seminary.
Under the editorial supervision of Philip Schaff, D.D., LL.D.,
Professor of Church History in the Union Theological Semimary, New York,
and Henry Wace, D.D., Principal of King's College, London
Published in 1886 by Philip Schaff,
New York: Christian Literature Publishing Co.
Book II.
Chapter I.--The Discovery of the Life-Bringing Cross and of the Holy
Nails.
When the business at Nicæa had been transacted as above related, the
priests returned home. The emperor rejoiced exceedingly at the
restoration of unity of opinion in the Catholic Church, and desirous
of expressing in behalf of himself, his children, and the empire, the
gratitude towards God which the unanimity of the bishops inspired, he
directed that a house of prayer should be erected to God at Jerusalem
[1139] near the place called Calvary. At the same time his mother
Helena repaired to the city for the purpose of offering up prayer, and
of visiting the sacred places. Her zeal for Christianity made her
anxious to find the wood which had formed the adorable cross. But it
was no easy matter to discover either this relic or the Lord's
sepulchre; for the Pagans, who in former times had persecuted the
Church, [1140] and who, at the first promulgation of Christianity, had
had recourse to every artifice to exterminate it, had concealed that
spot under much heaped up earth, and elevated what before was quite
depressed, as it looks now, and the more effectually to conceal them,
had enclosed the entire place of the resurrection and Mount Calvary
within a wall, and had, moreover, ornamented the whole locality, and
paved it with stone. They also erected a temple to Aphrodite, and set
up a little image, so that those who repaired thither to worship
Christ would appear to bow the knee to Aphrodite, and that thus the
true cause of offering worship in that place would, in course of time,
be forgotten; and that as Christians would not dare fearlessly to
frequent the place or to point it out to others, the temple and statue
would come to be regarded as exclusively appertaining to the Pagans.
At length, however, the place was discovered, and the fraud about it
so zealously maintained was detected; some say that the facts were
first disclosed by a Hebrew who dwelt in the East, and who derived his
information from some documents which had come to him by paternal
inheritance; but it seems more accordant with truth to suppose that
God revealed the fact by means of signs and dreams; for I do not think
that human information is requisite when God thinks it best to make
manifest the same. When by command of the emperor the place was
excavated deeply, the cave whence our Lord arose from the dead was
discovered; and at no great distance, three crosses were found and
another separate piece of wood, on which were inscribed in white
letters in Hebrew, in Greek, and in Latin, the following words: "Jesus
of Nazareth, the king of the Jews." These words, as the sacred book of
the gospels relates, were placed by command of Pilate, governor of
Judæa, over the head of Christ. There yet, however, remained a
difficulty in distinguishing the Divine cross from the others; for the
inscription had been wrenched from it and thrown aside, and the cross
itself had been cast aside with the others, without any distinction,
when the bodies of the crucified were taken down. For according to
history, the soldiers found Jesus dead upon the cross, and they took
him down, and gave him up to be buried; while, in order to accelerate
the death of the two thieves, who were crucified on either hand, they
broke their legs, and then took down the crosses, and flung them out
of the way. It was no concern of theirs to deposit the crosses in
their first order; for it was growing late, and as the men were dead,
they did not think it worth while to remain to attend to the crosses.
A more Divine information than could be furnished by man was therefore
necessary in order to distinguish the Divine cross from the others,
and this revelation was given in the following manner: There was a
certain lady of rank in Jerusalem who was afflicted with a most
grievous and incurable disease; Macarius, bishop of Jerusalem,
accompanied by the mother of the emperor and her attendants, repaired
to her bedside. After engaging in prayer, Macarius signified by signs
to the spectators that the Divine cross would be the one which, on
being brought in contact with the invalid, should remove the disease.
He approached her in turn with each of the crosses; but when two of
the crosses were laid on her, it seemed but folly and mockery to her
for she was at the gates of death. When, however, the third cross was
in like manner brought to her, she suddenly opened her eyes, regained
her strength, and immediately sprang from her bed, well. It is said
that a dead person was, in the same way, restored to life. The
venerated wood having been thus identified, the greater portion of it
was deposited in a silver case, in which it is still preserved in
Jerusalem: but the empress sent part of it to her son Constantine,
together with the nails by which the body of Christ had been fastened.
Of these, it is related, the emperor had a head-piece and bit made for
his horse, according to the prophecy of Zechariah, who referred to
this period when he said, "that which shall be upon the bit of the
horse shall be holy to the Lord Almighty." [1141] These things,
indeed, were formerly known to the sacred prophets, and predicted by
them, and at length, when it seemed to God that they should be
manifested, were confirmed by wonderful works. Nor does this appear so
marvelous when it is remembered that, even among the Pagans, it was
confessed that the Sibyl had predicted that thus it should be,--
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"Oh most blessed tree, on which our Lord was hung." [1142]
Our most zealous adversaries cannot deny the truth of this fact, and
it is hence evident that a pre-manifestation was made of the wood of
the cross, and of the adoration (sebas) it received.
The above incidents we have related precisely as they were delivered
to us by men of great accuracy, by whom the information was derived by
succession from father to son; and others have recorded the same
events in writing for the benefit of posterity.
Footnotes
[1139] Eus. V. C. iii. 25-40; Soc. i. 9, Letter to Macarius, bishop of
Jerusalem.
[1140] Ruf H. E. i. 7, 8; Soc. H. E. I. 17; Sulp. Sev. H. S. ii. 33,
34, another story of the identification. Soz. furnishes an additional
story about the discovery, which he, however, confutes.
[1141] Zech. xiv. 20. (LXX).
[1142] Sib. Or. vi. 26.
Chapter II.--Concerning Helena, the Mother of the Emperor; she visited
Jerusalem, built Temples in that City, and performed other Godly
Works: Her Death.
About this period, the emperor, having determined upon erecting a
temple in honor of God, charged the governors to see that the work was
executed in the most magnificent and costly manner possible. His
mother Helena also erected two temples, [1143] the one at Bethlehem
near the cave where Christ was born, the other on ridges of the Mount
of Olives, whence He was taken up to heaven. Many other acts show her
piety and religiousness, among which the following is not the least
remarkable: During her residence at Jerusalem, it is related that she
assembled the sacred virgins at a feast, ministered to them at supper,
presented them with food, poured water on their hands, and performed
other similar services customary to those who wait upon guests. When
she visited the cities of the East, she bestowed befitting gifts on
the churches in every town, enriched those individuals who had been
deprived of their possessions, supplied ungrudgingly the necessities
of the poor, and restored to liberty those who had been long
imprisoned, or condemned to exile or the mines. It seems to me that so
many holy actions demanded a recompense; and indeed, even in this
life, she was raised to the summit of magnificence and splendor; she
was proclaimed Augusta; her image was stamped on golden coins, and she
was invested by her son with authority over the imperial treasury to
give it according to her judgment. Her death, too, was glorious; for
when, at the age of eighty, she quitted this life, she left her son
and her descendants (like her of the race of Cæsar), masters of the
Roman world. And if there be any advantage in such fame--forgetfulness
did not conceal her though she was dead--the coming age has the pledge
of her perpetual memory; for two cities are named after her, the one
in Bithynia, and the other in Palestine. [1144] Such is the history of
Helena.
Footnotes
[1143] Eus. V. C. iii. 41, 47; Soc. i. 17.
[1144] Helenopolis in Palestine not mentioned by Soc. i. 17, 18. Was
the site of this city at the convent of Mt. Carmel or at St. Helena's
towers, near the Scala Tyriorum? For the Bithynian city, cf.
Procopius, de Ædificiis v. 2; cf. also Philost. ii. 12; Eus. Chronicon
(Hieron.), under a.d. 331.
Chapter III.--Temples built by Constantine the Great; the City called
by his Name; its Founding; the Buildings within it; the Temple of
Michael the Archsoldier, in the Sosthenium, and the Miracles which
have occurred there.
The emperor, [1145] always intent on the advancement of religion,
erected the most beautiful temples to God in every place, particularly
in metropolises, such as Nicomedia in Bithynia, Antioch on the river
Orontes, and Byzantium. He greatly improved this latter city, and
constituted it the equal of Rome in power, and participation in the
government; for, when he had settled the affairs of the empire
according to his own mind, and had rectified foreign affairs by wars
and treaties, he resolved upon founding a city which should be called
by his own name, and should be equal in celebrity to Rome. With this
intention, he repaired to a plain at the foot of Troy, near the
Hellespont, above the tomb of Ajax, where, it is said, the Achaians
had their naval stations and tents while besieging Troy; and here he
laid the plan of a large and beautiful city, and built the gates on an
elevated spot of ground, whence they are still visible from the sea to
those sailing by. But when he had advanced thus far, God appeared to
him by night, and commanded him to seek another spot. Led by the hand
of God, he arrived at Byzantium in Thrace, beyond Chalcedon in
Bithynia, and here he was desired to build his city and to render it
worthy of the name of Constantine. In obedience to the words of God,
he therefore enlarged the city formerly called Byzantium, and
surrounded it with high walls. He also erected magnificent dwelling
houses southward through the regions. Since he was aware that the
former population was insufficient for so great a city, he peopled it
with men of rank and their households, whom he summoned hither from
the elder Rome and from other countries. He imposed taxes to cover the
expenses of building and adorning the city, and of supplying its
inhabitants with food, and providing the city with all the other
requisites. He adorned it sumptuously with a hippodrome, fountains,
porticos, and other structures. He named it New Rome and
Constantinople, and constituted it the imperial capital for all the
inhabitants of the North, the South, the East, and the shores of the
Mediterranean, from the cities on the Ister and from Epidamnus and the
Ionian gulf, to Cyrene and that part of Libya called Borium.
He constructed another council house which they call senate; he
ordered the same honors and festal days as those customary to the
other Romans, and he did not fail studiously to make the city which
bore his name equal in every respect to that of Rome in Italy; nor
were his wishes thwarted; for by the assistance of God, it had to be
confessed as great in population and wealth. I know of no cause to
account for this extraordinary aggrandizement, unless it be the piety
of the builder and of the inhabitants, and their compassion and
liberality towards the poor. The zeal they manifested for the
Christian faith was so great that many of the Jewish inhabitants and
most of the Greeks were converted. As this city became the capital of
the empire during the period of religious prosperity, it was not
polluted by altars, Grecian temples, nor sacrifices; and although
Julian authorized the introduction of idolatry for a short space of
time, it soon afterwards became extinct. Constantine further honored
this newly compacted city of Christ, named after himself, by adorning
it with numerous and magnificent houses of prayer. And the Deity also
co-operated with the spirit of the emperor, and by Divine
manifestations persuaded men that these prayer houses in the city were
holy and salvatory. According to the general opinion of foreigners and
citizens, the most remarkable church was that built in a place
formerly called Hestiæ. This place, which is now called Michaelium,
lies to the right of those who sail from Pontus to Constantinople, and
is about thirty-five stadia distant from the latter city by water, but
if you make the circuit of the bay, the journey between them is
seventy stadia and upwards. This place obtained the name which now
prevails, because it is believed that Michael, the Divine archangel,
once appeared there. And I also affirm that this is true, because I
myself received the greatest benefits, and the experience of really
helpful deeds on the part of many others proves this to be so. For
some who had fallen into fearful reverses or unavoidable dangers,
others with disease and unknown sufferings, there prayed to God, and
met with a change in their misfortunes. I should be prolix were I to
give details of circumstance and person. But I cannot omit mentioning
the case of Aquilinus, who is even at the present time residing with
us, and who is an advocate in the same court of justice as that to
which we belong. [1146] I shall relate what I heard from him
concerning this occurrence and what I saw. Being attacked with a
severe fever, arising from a yellowish bile, the physicians gave him
some foreign drug to drink. This he vomited, and, by the effort of
vomiting, diffused the bile, which tinged his countenance with a
yellow color. Hence he had to vomit all his food and drink. For a long
time he remained in this state; and since his nourishment would not be
quiet in him, the skill of the physicians was at a loss for the
suffering. Finding that he was already half dead, he commanded his
servant to carry him to the house of prayer; for he affirmed earnestly
that there he would either die or be freed from his disease. While he
was lying there, a Divine Power appeared to him by night, and
commanded him to dip his foot in a confection made of honey, wine, and
pepper. The man did so, and was freed from his complaint, although the
prescription was contrary to the professional rules of the physicians,
a confection of so very hot a nature being considered adverse to a
bilious disorder. I have also heard that Probianus, one of the
physicians of the palace, who was suffering greatly from a disease in
the feet, likewise met with deliverance from sickness at this place,
and was accounted worthy of being visited with a wonderful and Divine
vision. He had formerly been attached to the Pagan superstitions, but
afterwards became a Christian; yet, while he admitted in one way or
another the probability of the rest of our doctrines, he could not
understand how, by the Divine cross, the salvation of all is effected.
While his mind was in doubt on this subject, the symbol of the cross,
which lay on the altar of this church, was pointed out to him in the
Divine vision, and he heard a voice openly declaring that, as Christ
had been crucified on the cross, the necessities of the human race or
of individuals, whatsoever they might be, could not be met by the
ministration of Divine angels or of pious and good men; for that there
was no power to rectify apart from the venerated cross. I have only
recorded a few of the incidents which I know to have taken place in
this temple, because there is not time to recount them all.
Footnotes
[1145] Eus. V. C. iii. 50-58; iv. 58; Soc. i. 18; Zos. ii. 30-32.
[1146] agoreuonti . This shows that Sozomen was an advocate in the law
courts at the very time of his writing this history.
Chapter IV.--What Constantine the Great effected about the Oak in
Mamre; he also built a Temple.
I consider it necessary to detail the proceedings of Constantine in
relation to what is called the oak of Mamre. [1147] This place is now
called Terebinthus, and is about fifteen stadia distant from Hebron,
which lies to the south, but is two hundred and fifty stadia distant
from Jerusalem. It is recorded that here the Son of God appeared to
Abraham, with two angels, who had been sent against Sodom, and
foretold the birth of his son. Here the inhabitants of the country and
of the regions round Palestine, the Phoenicians, and the Arabians,
assemble annually during the summer season to keep a brilliant feast;
and many others, both buyers and sellers, resort thither on account of
the fair. Indeed, this feast is diligently frequented by all nations:
by the Jews, because they boast of their descent from the patriarch
Abraham; by the Pagans, because angels there appeared to men; and by
Christians, because He who for the salvation of mankind was born of a
virgin, afterwards manifested Himself there to a godly man. This place
was moreover honored fittingly with religious exercises. Here some
prayed to the God of all; some called upon the angels, poured out
wine, burnt incense, or offered an ox, or he-goat, a sheep, or a cock.
Each one made some beautiful product of his labor, and after carefully
husbanding it through the entire year, he offered it according to
promise as provision for that feast, both for himself and his
dependents. And either from honor to the place, or from fear of Divine
wrath, they all abstained from coming near their wives, although
during the feast these were more than ordinarily studious of their
beauty and adornment. Nor, if they chanced to appear and to take part
in the public processions, did they act at all licentiously. Nor did
they behave imprudently in any other respect, although the tents were
contiguous to each other, and they all lay promiscuously together. The
place is open country, and arable, and without houses, with the
exception of the buildings around Abraham's old oak and the well he
prepared. No one during the time of the feast drew water from that
well; for according to Pagan usage, some placed burning lamps near it;
some poured out wine, or cast in cakes; and others, coins, myrrh, or
incense. Hence, as I suppose, the water was rendered useless by
commixture with the things cast into it. Once whilst these customs
were being celebrated by the Pagans, after the aforesaid manner, and
as was the established usage with hilarity, the mother-in-law [1148]
of Constantine was present for prayer, and apprised the emperor of
what was being done. On receiving this information, he rebuked the
bishops of Palestine in no measured terms, because they had neglected
their duty, and had permitted a holy place to be defiled by impure
libations and sacrifices; and he expressed his godly censure in an
epistle which he wrote on the subject to Macarius, bishop of
Jerusalem, to Eusebius Pamphilus, and to the bishops of Palestine. He
commanded these bishops to hold a conference on this subject with the
Phoenician bishops, and issue directions for the demolition, from the
foundations, of the altar formerly erected there, the destruction of
the carved images by fire, and the erection of a church worthy of so
ancient and so holy a place. The emperor finally enjoined, that no
libations or sacrifices should be offered on the spot, but that it
should be exclusively devoted to the worship of God according to the
law of the Church; and that if any attempt should be made to restore
the former rites, the bishops were to inform against the delinquent,
in order that he might be subjected to the greatest punishment. The
governors and priests of Christ strictly enforced the injunctions
contained in the emperor's letter.
Footnotes
[1147] Eus. V. C. iii. 51-53; Soc. i. 18. As a native of Palestine,
Soz. here adds local details.
[1148] Eutropia, the mother of Fausta.
Chapter V.--Constantine destroyed the Places dedicated to the Idols,
and persuaded the People to prefer Christianity.
As many nations and cities throughout the whole realm of his subjects
retained a feeling of fear and veneration towards their vain idols,
which led them to disregard the doctrines of the Christians, and to
have a care for their ancient customs, and the manners and feasts of
their fathers, it appeared necessary to the emperor to teach the
governors to suppress their superstitious rites of worship. He thought
that this would be easily accomplished if he could get them to despise
their temples and the images contained therein. [1149] To carry this
project into execution he did not require military aid; for Christian
men belonging to the palace went from city to city bearing imperial
letters. The people were induced to remain passive from the fear that,
if they resisted these edicts, they, their children, and their wives,
would be exposed to evil. The vergers and the priests, being
unsupported by the multitude, brought out their most precious
treasures, and the idols called diopete, [1150] and through these
servitors, the gifts were drawn forth from the shrines and the hidden
recesses in the temples. The spots previously inaccessible, and known
only to the priests, were made accessible to all who desired to enter.
Such of the images as were constructed of precious material, and
whatever else was valuable, were purified by fire, and became public
property. The brazen images which were skillfully wrought were carried
to the city, named after the emperor, and placed there as objects of
embellishment, where they may still be seen in public places, as in
the streets, the hippodrome, and the palaces. Amongst them was the
statue of Apollo which was in the seat of the oracle of the Pythoness,
and likewise the statues of the Muses from Helicon, the tripods from
Delphos, and the much extolled Pan, which Pausanias the Lacedæmonian
and the Grecian cities had devoted,--after the war against the Medes.
As to the temples, some were stripped of their doors, others of their
roofs, and others were neglected, allowed to fall into ruin, or
destroyed. The temple of Æsculapius in Ægis, a city of Cilicia, and
that of Venus at Aphaca, near Mount Lebanon and the River Adonis, were
then undermined and entirely destroyed. Both of these temples were
most highly honored and reverenced by the ancients; as the Ægeatæ were
wont to say, that those among them who were weakened in body were
delivered from diseases because the demon manifested himself by night,
and healed them. And at Aphaca, it was believed that on a certain
prayer being uttered on a given day, a fire like a star descended from
the top of Lebanon and sunk into the neighboring river; they affirmed
that this was Urania, for they call Aphrodite by this name. The
efforts of the emperor succeeded to the utmost of his anticipations;
for on beholding the objects of their former reverence and fear boldly
cast down and stuffed with straw and hay, the people were led to
despise what they had previously venerated, and to blame the erroneous
opinion of their ancestors. Others, envious at the honor in which
Christians were held by the emperor, deemed it necessary to imitate
the acts of the ruler; others devoted themselves to an examination of
Christianity, and by means of signs, of dreams, or of conferences with
bishops and monks, were convinced that it was better to become
Christians. From this period, nations and citizens spontaneously
renounced their former opinion. At that time a port of Gaza, called
Majuma, wherein superstition and ancient ceremonies had been hitherto
admired, turned unitedly with all its inhabitants to Christianity. The
emperor, in order to reward their piety, deemed them worthy of the
greatest honor, and distinguished the place as a city, a status it had
not previously enjoyed, and named it Constantia: thus honoring the
spot on account of its piety, by bestowing on it the name of the
dearest of his children. On the same account, also, Constantine in
Phoenicia is known to have received its name from the emperor. But it
would not be convenient to record every instance of this kind, for
many other cities about this time went over to religion, and
spontaneously, without any command of the emperor, destroyed the
adjacent temples and statues, and erected houses of prayer.
Footnotes
[1149] Eus. V. C. iii. 54-58; iv. 38; Soc. i. 18; Zos. ii. 31.
[1150] i.e."sent down from Jupiter." Such were the Palladium of Troy,
the Ancile at Rome, and "the image" of Diana, "which fell down from
Jupiter," mentioned in Acts xix. 35.
Chapter VI.--The Reason why under Constantine, the Name of Christ was
spread throughout the Whole World.
The church having been in this manner spread throughout the whole
Roman world, religion was introduced even among the barbarians
themselves. [1151] The tribes on both sides of the Rhine were
Christianized, as likewise the Celts and the Gauls who dwelt upon the
most distant shores of the ocean; the Goths, too, and such tribes as
were contiguous to them, who formerly dwelt on either of the high
shores of the Danube, had long shared in the Christian faith, and had
changed into a gentler and more rational observance. Almost all the
barbarians had professed to hold the Christian doctrine in honor, from
the time of the wars between the Romans and foreign tribes, under the
government of Gallienus and the emperors who succeeded him. For when
an unspeakable multitude of mixed nations passed over from Thrace into
Asia and overran it, and when other barbarians from the various
regions did the same things to the adjacent Romans, many priests of
Christ who had been taken captive, dwelt among these tribes; and
during their residence among them, healed the sick, and cleansed those
who were possessed of demons, by the name of Christ only, and by
calling on the Son of God; moreover they led [1152] a blameless life,
and excited envy by their virtues. The barbarians, amazed at the
conduct and wonderful works of these men, thought that it would be
prudent on their part, and pleasing to the Deity, if they should
imitate those whom they saw were better; and, like them, would render
homage to God. When teachers as to what should be done, had been
proposed to them, the people were taught and baptized, and
subsequently were gathered into churches.
Footnotes
[1151] Irenæus adv. Hæres i. 3 (ed. Harvey); Philost. ii. 5, 6.
[1152] politeian amempton ephilosophoun . The Christian life, and
especially the monastic, was regarded as the true philosophy.
Chapter VII.--How the Iberians received the Faith of Christ.
It is said that during this reign the Iberians, [1153] a large and
warlike barbarian nation, confessed Christ. [1154] They dwelt to the
north beyond Armenia. A Christian woman, who had been taken captive,
induced them to renounce the religion of their fathers. She was very
faithful and godly, and did not, amongst foreigners, remit her
accustomed routine of religious duty. To fast, to pray night and day,
and to praise God, constituted her delight. The barbarians inquired as
to the motives of her endurance: she simply answered, that it was
necessary in this way to worship the Son of God; but the name of Him
who was to be worshiped, and the manner of worshiping, appeared
strange to them. It happened that a boy of the country was taken ill,
and his mother, according to the custom of the Iberians, took him
around from house to house, in hope that some one might be found
capable of curing the disease, and the change from the suffering might
be easy for the afflicted. As no one capable of healing him could be
found, the boy was brought to the captive, and she said, "as to
medicines, I have neither experience nor knowledge, nor am I
acquainted with the mode of applying ointments or plasters; but, O
woman, I believe that Christ whom I worship, the true and great God,
will become the Saviour of thy child." Then she prayed for him
immediately and freed him from the disease, although just before it
was believed that he was about to die. A little while after, the wife
of the governor of the nation was, by an incurable disease, brought
nigh unto death; yet she too was saved in the same manner. And thus
did this captive teach the knowledge of Christ, by introducing Him as
the dispenser of health, and as the Lord of life, of empire, and of
all things. The governor's wife, convinced by her own personal
experience, believed the words of the captive, embraced the Christian
religion, and held the woman in much honor. The king, astonished at
the celerity of the cure, and the miraculousness and healing of faith,
learned the cause from his wife, and commanded that the captive should
be rewarded with gifts. "Of gifts," said the queen, "her estimate is
very low, whatever may be their value; she makes much of the service
she renders to her God only. Therefore if we wish to gratify her, or
desire to do what is safe and right, let us also worship God, who is
mighty and a Saviour, and who, at His will, gives continuance unto
kings, casts down the high, renders the illustrious abject, and saves
those in terrible straits." The queen continued to argue in this
excellent manner, but the sovereign of Iberia remained in doubt and
unconvinced, as he reflected on the novelty of the matters, and also
respected the religion of his fathers. A little while after, he went
into the woods with his attendants, on a hunting excursion; all of a
sudden thick clouds arose, and a heavy air was everywhere diffused by
them, so as to conceal the heavens and the sun; profound night and
great darkness pervaded the wood. Since each of the hunters was
alarmed for his own safety, they scattered in different directions.
The king, while thus wandering alone, thought of Christ, as men are
wont to do in times of danger. He determined that if he should be
delivered from his present emergency, he would walk before God and
worship Him. At the very instant that these thoughts were upon his
mind, the darkness was dissipated, the air became serene, the rays of
the sun penetrated into the wood, and the king went out in safety. He
informed his wife of the event that had befallen him, sent for the
captive, and commanded her to teach him in what way he ought to
worship Christ. When she had given as much instruction as it was right
for a woman to say and do, he called together his subjects and
declared to them plainly the Divine mercies which had been vouchsafed
to himself and to his wife, and although uninitiated, he declared to
his people the doctrines of Christ. The whole nation was persuaded to
embrace Christianity, the men being convinced by the representations
of the king, and the women by those of the queen and the captive. And
speedily with the general consent of the entire nation, they prepared
most zealously to build a church. When the external walls were
completed, machines were brought to raise up the columns, and fix them
upon their pedestals. It is related, that when the first and second
columns had been righted by these means, great difficulty was found in
fixing the third column, neither art nor physical strength being of
any avail, although many were present to assist in the pulling. When
evening came on, the female captive remained alone on the spot, and
she continued there throughout the night, interceding with God that
the erection of the columns might be easily accomplished, especially
as all the rest had taken their departure distressed at the failure;
for the column was only half raised, and remained standing, and one
end of it was so embedded in its foundations that it was impossible to
move it downward. It was God's will that by this, as well as by the
preceding miracle, the Iberians should be still further confirmed
about the Deity. Early in the morning, when they were present at the
church, they beheld a wonderful spectacle, which seemed to them as a
dream. The column, which on the day before had been immovable, now
appeared erect, and elevated a small space above its proper base. All
present were struck with admiration, and confessed, with one consent,
that Christ alone is the true God. Whilst they were all looking on,
the column slipped quietly and spontaneously, and was adjusted as by
machinery on its base. The other columns were then erected with ease,
and the Iberians completed the structure with greater alacrity. The
church having been thus speedily built, the Iberians, at the
recommendation of the captive, sent ambassadors to the Emperor
Constantine, bearing proposals for alliance and treaties, and
requesting that priests might be sent to their nation. On their
arrival, the ambassadors related the events that had occurred, and how
the whole nation with much care worshiped Christ. The emperor of the
Romans was delighted with the embassy, and after acceding to every
request that was proffered, dismissed the ambassadors. Thus did the
Iberians receive the knowledge of Christ, and until this day they
worship him carefully.
Footnotes
[1153] By the Iberians we are to understand, not the people of Spain
(for they had a church among them as early as the time of Irenæus; see
adv. Hæres. i. 3, ed. Harvey), but the people of that name in Asia.
Cf. Soc. i. 20, who says these Iberians migrated from Spain.
[1154] Ruf. H. E. i. 10; Soc. i. 20; Soz. takes directly from Ruf.
Chapter VIII.--How the Armenians and Persians embraced Christianity.
Subsequently the Christian religion became known to the neighboring
tribes and was very greatly disseminated. [1155] The Armenians, I have
understood, were the first to embrace Christianity. [1156] It is said
that Tiridates, then the sovereign of that nation, became a Christian
by means of a marvelous Divine sign which was wrought in his own
house; and that he issued commands to all the subjects, by a herald,
to adopt the same religion. [1157] I think that the beginning of the
conversion of the Persians [1158] was owing to their intercourse with
the Osroenians and Armenians; for it is likely that they would
converse with such Divine men and make experience of their virtue.
Footnotes
[1155] This paragraph is regarded by Valesius as spurious.
[1156] The source of this Chapter certainly is not Moses Chorenensis.
Tiridates III. reigned a.d. 286-342. At first a persecutor, through
Gregory the Illuminator he became a Christian. Yet parts of Armenia
were Christianized much earlier. Dionysius bishop of Alexandria wrote
a letter on Repentance to the Armenians in the reign of Gallus. Eus.
H. E. vi. 46. Cf. Agathangelas, History of Tiridates the Great, and
the preaching of Gregory the Illuminator.
[1157] Here follows in the Greek text a repetition, word for word, of
the first two lines of this Chapter, which seem to be superfluous, if
we do not reject the paragraph above.
[1158] Soz. is wrong in attributing the conversion of Persia to
Armenia.
Chapter IX.--Sapor King of Persia is Excited against the Christians.
Symeon, Bishop of Persia, and Usthazanes, a Eunuch, Suffer the Agony
of Martyrdom.
When, in course of time, the Christians increased in number, and began
to form churches, and appointed priests and deacons, the Magi, who as
a priestly tribe had from the beginning in successive generations
acted as the guardians of the Persian religion, became deeply incensed
against them. [1159] The Jews, who through envy are in some way
naturally opposed to the Christian religion, were likewise offended.
They therefore brought accusations before Sapor, the reigning
sovereign, against Symeon, who was then archbishop of Seleucia and
Ctesiphon, royal cities of Persia, and charged him with being a friend
of the Cæsar of the Romans, and with communicating the affairs of the
Persians to him. Sapor believed these accusations, and at first,
ground the Christians with excessive taxes, although he knew that the
generality of them had voluntarily embraced poverty. He entrusted the
exaction to cruel men, hoping that, by the want of necessaries, and
the atrocity of the exactors, they might be compelled to abjure their
religion; for this was his aim. Afterwards, however, he commanded that
the priests and conductors of the worship of God should be slain with
the sword. The churches were demolished, their vessels were deposited
in the treasury, and Symeon was arrested as a traitor to the kingdom
and the religion of the Persians. Thus the Magi, with the co-operation
of the Jews, quickly destroyed the houses of prayer. Symeon, on his
apprehension, was bound with chains, and brought before the king.
There the man evinced his excellence and courage; for when Sapor
commanded that he should be led away to the torture, he did not fear,
and would not prostrate himself. The king, greatly exasperated,
demanded why he did not prostrate himself as he had done formerly.
Symeon replied, "Formerly I was not led away bound in order that I
might abjure the truth of God, and therefore I did not then object to
pay the customary respect to royalty; but now it would not be proper
for me to do so; for I stand here in defense of godliness and of our
opinion." When he ceased speaking, the king commanded him to worship
the sun, promising, as an inducement, to bestow gifts upon him, and to
hold him in honor; but on the other hand, threatening, in case of
non-compliance, to visit him and the whole body of Christians with
destruction. When the king found that he neither frightened him by
menaces, nor caused him to relax by promises, and that Symeon remained
firm and refused to worship the sun, or to betray his religion, he
commanded him to be put in bonds for a while, probably imagining that
he would change his mind.
When Symeon was being conducted to prison, Usthazanes, an aged eunuch,
the foster-father of Sapor and superintendent of the palace, who
happened to be sitting at the gates of the palace, arose to do him
reverence. Symeon reproachfully forbade him in a loud and haughty
voice, averted his countenance, and passed by; for the eunuch had been
formerly a Christian, but had recently yielded to authority, and had
worshiped the sun. This conduct so affected the eunuch that he wept
aloud, laid aside the white garment with which he was robed, and
clothed himself, as a mourner, in black. He then seated himself in
front of the palace, crying and groaning, and saying, "Woe is me! What
must not await me since I have denied God; and on this account Symeon,
formerly my familiar friend, does not think me worthy of being spoken
to, but turns away and hastens from me." When Sapor heard of what had
occurred, he called the eunuch to him, and inquired into the cause of
his grief, and asked him whether any calamity had befallen his family.
Usthazanes replied and said, "O king, nothing has occurred to my
family; but I would rather have suffered any other affliction
whatsoever than that which has befallen me, and it would have been
easy to bear. Now I mourn because I am alive, and ought to have been
dead long ago; yet I still see the sun which, not voluntarily, but to
please thee, I professed to worship. Therefore, on both accounts, it
is just that I should die, for I have been a betrayer of Christ, and a
deceiver of thee." He then swore by the Maker of heaven and earth,
that he would never swerve from his convictions. Sapor, astonished at
the wonderful conversion of the eunuch, was still more enraged against
the Christians, as if they had effected it by enchantments. Still, he
spared the old man, and strove with all his strength, by alternate
gentleness and harshness, to bring him over to his own sentiments. But
finding that his efforts were useless, and that Usthazanes persisted
in declaring that he would never be so foolish as to worship the
creature instead of the creator, he became inflamed with passion, and
commanded that the eunuch's head should be struck off with a sword.
When the executioners came forward to perform their office, Usthazanes
requested them to wait a little, that he might communicate something
to the king. He then called one of the most faithful eunuchs, and bade
him say to Sapor, "From my youth until now I have been well affected,
O king, to your house, and have ministered with fitting diligence to
your father and yourself. I need no witnesses to corroborate my
statements; these facts are well established. For all the matters
wherein at divers times I have gladly served you, grant me this
reward; let it not be imagined by those who are ignorant of the
circumstances, that I have incurred this punishment by acts of
unfaithfulness against the kingdom, or by the commission of any other
crime; but let it be published and proclaimed abroad by a herald, that
Usthazanes loses his head for no knavery that he has ever committed in
the palaces, but for being a Christian, and for refusing to obey the
king in denying his own God." The eunuch delivered this message, and
Sapor, according to the request of Usthazanes, commanded a herald to
make the desired proclamation; for the king imagined that others would
be easily deterred from embracing Christianity, by reflecting that he
who sacrificed his aged foster-father and esteemed household servant,
would assuredly spare no other Christian. Usthazanes, however,
believed that as by his timidity in consenting to worship the sun, he
had caused many Christians to fear, so now, by the diligent
proclamation of the cause of his sufferings, many might be edified by
learning that he died for the sake of religion, and so became
imitators of his fortitude.
Footnotes
[1159] The source for chaps. 9-14 must be some early translation of
Acta Persarum, which the Syrians, especially those of Edessa, made;
cf. chap. 14. Soz. is independent. The persecution began under Shapur
II. a.d. 343.
Chapter X.--Christians slain by Sapor in Persia.
In this manner the honorable life of Usthazanes was terminated, and
when the intelligence was brought to Symeon in the prison, he offered
thanksgiving to God on his account. The following day, which happened
to be the sixth day of the week, and likewise the day on which, as
immediately preceding the festival of the resurrection, the annual
memorial of the passion of the Saviour is celebrated, the king issued
orders for the decapitation of Symeon; for he had again been conducted
to the palace from the prison, had reasoned most nobly with Sapor on
points of doctrine, and had expressed a determination never to worship
either the king or the sun. On the same day a hundred other prisoners
were ordered to be slain. Symeon beheld their execution, and last of
all he was put to death. Amongst these victims were bishops,
presbyters, and other clergy of different grades. As they were being
led out to execution, the chief of the Magi approached them, and asked
them whether they would preserve their lives by conforming to the
religion of the king and by worshiping the sun. As none of them would
comply with this condition, they were conducted to the place of
execution, and the executioners applied themselves to the task of
slaying these martyrs. Symeon, standing by those who were to be slain,
exhorted them to constancy, and reasoned concerning death, and the
resurrection, and piety, and showed them from the sacred Scriptures
that a death like theirs is true life; whereas to live, and through
fear to deny God, is as truly death. He told them, too, that even if
no one were to slay them, death would inevitably overtake them; for
our death is a natural consequence of our birth. The things after
those of this life are perpetual, and do not happen alike to all men;
but as if measured by some rule, they must give an accurate account of
the course of life here. Each one who did well, will receive immortal
rewards and will escape the punishments of those who did the opposite.
He likewise told them that the greatest and happiest of all good
actions is to die for the cause of God. While Symeon was pursuing such
themes, and like a household attendant, was exhorting them about the
manner in which they were to go into the conflicts, each one listened
and spiritedly went to the slaughter. After the executioner had
despatched a hundred, Symeon himself was slain; and Abedechalaas and
Anannias, two aged presbyters of his own church, who had been his
fellow-prisoners, suffered with him. [1160]
Footnotes
[1160] The attempt to fix the date as Pagi, Ap. 21, 349, has no
historical warrant; see Pagi, under 343 iii.
Chapter XI.--Pusices, Superintendent of the Artisans of Sapor.
Pusices, the superintendent of the king's artisans, was present at the
execution; perceiving that Anannias trembled as the necessary
preparations for his death were being made, he said to him, "O old
man, close your eyes for a little while and be of good courage, for
you will soon behold the light of Christ." No sooner had he uttered
these words than he was arrested and conducted before the king; and as
he frankly avowed himself a Christian, and spoke with great freedom to
the king concerning his opinion and the martyrs, he was condemned to
an extraordinary and most cruel death, because it was not lawful to
address the king with such boldness. The executioners pierced the
muscles of his neck in such a manner as to extract his tongue. On the
charge of some persons, his daughter, who had devoted herself to a
life of holy virginity, was arraigned and executed at the same time.
The following year, on the day on which the passion of Christ was
commemorated, and when preparations were being made for the
celebration of the festival commemorative of his resurrection from the
dead, Sapor issued a most cruel edict throughout Persia, condemning to
death all those who should confess themselves to be Christians. It is
said that a greater number of Christians suffered by the sword; for
the Magi sought diligently in the cities and villages for those who
had concealed themselves; and many voluntarily surrendered themselves,
lest they should appear, by their silence, to deny Christ. Of the
Christians who were thus unsparingly sacrificed, many who were
attached to the palace were slain, and amongst these was Azades,
[1161] a eunuch, who was especially beloved by the king. On hearing of
his death, Sapor was overwhelmed with grief, and put a stop to the
general slaughter of the Christians; and he directed that the teachers
of religion should alone be slain.
Footnotes
[1161] Assemanus, Bibl. Orient. t. i. 189, speaks of Azades as the
eunuch of Artascirus, ruler of Adiabene, who was a cousin of Sapor.
Chapter XII.--Tarbula, the Sister of Symeon, and her Martyrdom.
About the same period, the queen was attacked with a disease, and
Tarbula, the sister of Symeon the bishop, a holy virgin, was arrested
with her servant, who shared in the same mode of life, as likewise a
sister of Tarbula, who, after the death of her husband, abjured
marriage, and led a similar career. The cause of their arrest was the
charge of the Jews, who reported that they had injured the queen by
their enchantments, on account of their rage at the death of Symeon.
As invalids easily give credit to the most repulsive representations,
the queen believed the charge, and especially because it emanated from
the Jews, since she had embraced their sentiments, and lived in the
observance of the Jewish rites, for she had great confidence in their
veracity and in their attachment to herself. The Magi having seized
Tarbula and her companions, condemned them to death; and after having
sawn them asunder, they fastened them up to poles and made the queen
pass through the midst of the poles as a medium for turning away the
disease. It is said that this Tarbula was beautiful and very stately
in form, and that one of the Magi, having become deeply enamored with
her, secretly sent a proposal for intercourse, and promised as a
reward to save her and her companions if she would consent. But she
would give no ear to his licentiousness, and treated the Magi with
scorn, and rebuked his lust. She would rather prefer courageously to
die than to betray her virginity.
As it was ordained by the edict of Sapor, which we mentioned above,
that the Christians should not be slaughtered indiscriminately, but
that the priests and teachers of the opinions should be slain, the
Magi and Arch-Magi traversed the whole country of Persia, studiously
maltreating the bishops and presbyters. They sought them especially in
the country of Adiabene, a part of the Persian dominions, because it
was wholly Christianized.
Chapter XIII.--Martyrdom of St. Acepsimas and of his Companions.
About this period they arrested Acepsimas the bishop, and many of his
clergy. After having taken counsel together, they satisfied themselves
with the hunt after the leader only; they dismissed the rest after
they had taken away their property. James, however, who was one of the
presbyters, voluntarily followed Acepsimas, obtained permission from
the Magi to share his prison, and spiritedly ministered to the old
man, lightened his misfortunes as far as he was able, and dressed his
wounds; for not long after his apprehension, the Magi had injuriously
tortured him with raw thongs in forcing him to worship the sun; and on
his refusal to do so had retained him again in bonds. Two presbyters
named Aithalas and James, and two deacons, by name Azadanes and
Abdiesus, after being scourged most injuriously by the Magi, were
compelled to live in prison, on account of their opinions. After a
long time had elapsed, the great Arch-Magi communicated to the king
the facts about them to be punished; and having received permission to
deal with them as he pleased, unless they would consent to worship the
sun, he made known this decision of Sapor's to the prisoners. They
replied openly, that they would never betray the cause of Christ nor
worship the sun; he tortured them unsparingly. Acepsimas persevered in
the manly confession of his faith, till death put an end to his
torments. Certain Armenians, whom the Persians retained as hostages,
secretly carried away his body and buried it. The other prisoners,
although not less scourged, lived as by a miracle, and as they would
not change their judgment, were again put in bonds. Among these was
Aithalas, who was stretched out while thus beaten, and his arms were
torn out of his shoulders by the very great wrench; and he carried his
hands about as dead and swinging loosely, so that others had to convey
food to his mouth. Under this rule, an innumerable multitude of
presbyters, deacons, monks, holy virgins, and others who served the
churches and were set apart for its dogma, terminated their lives by
martyrdom. The following are the names of the bishops, so far as I
have been able to ascertain: Barbasymes, Paulus, Gaddiabes, Sabinus,
Mareas, Mocius, John, Hormisdas, Papas, James, Romas, Maares, Agas,
Bochres, Abdas, Abdiesus, John, Abramins, Agdelas, Sapores, Isaac, and
Dausas. The latter had been made prisoner by the Persians, and brought
from a place named Zabdæus. [1162] He died about this time in defense
of the dogma; and Mareabdes, a chorepiscopus, and about two hundred
and fifty of his clergy, who had also been captured by the Persians,
suffered with him.
Footnotes
[1162] Am. Marcell. 20. 7, 1, Zabdiceni; 25. 7, 9, Zabdicena.
Chapter XIV.--The Martyrdom of Bishop Milles and his Conduct. Sixteen
Thousand Distinguished Men in Persia suffer Martyrdom under Sapor,
besides Obscure Individuals.
About this period Milles suffered martyrdom. He originally served the
Persians in a military capacity, but afterwards abandoned that
vocation, in order to embrace the apostolical mode of life. It is
related that he was ordained bishop over a Persian city, and he
underwent a variety of sufferings, and endured wounds and drawings;
and that, failing in his efforts to convert the inhabitants to
Christianity, he uttered imprecations against the city, and departed.
Not long after, some of the principal citizens offended the king, and
an army with three hundred elephants was sent against them; the city
was utterly demolished and its land was ploughed and sown. Milles,
taking with him only his wallet, in which was the holy Book of the
Gospels, repaired to Jerusalem in prayer; thence he proceeded to Egypt
in order to see the monks. The extraordinary and admirable works which
we have heard that he accomplished, are attested by the Syrians, who
have written an account of his actions and life. For my own part, I
think that I have said enough of him and of the other martyrs who
suffered in Persia during the reign of Sapor; for it would be
difficult to relate in detail every circumstance respecting them, such
as their names, their country, the mode of completing their martyrdom,
and the species of torture to which they were subjected; for they are
innumerable, since such methods are jealously affected by the
Persians, even to the extreme of cruelty. I shall briefly state that
the number of men and women whose names have been ascertained, and who
were martyred at this period, have been computed to be sixteen
thousand; while the multitude outside of these is beyond enumeration,
and on this account to reckon off their names appeared difficult to
the Persians and Syrians and to the inhabitants of Edessa, who have
devoted much care to this matter.
Chapter XV.--Constantine writes to Sapor to stay the Persecution of
the Christians.
Constantine the Roman emperor was angry, and bore it ill when he heard
of the sufferings to which the Christians were exposed in Persia. He
desired most anxiously to render them assistance, yet knew not in what
way to effect this object. About this time some ambassadors from the
Persian king arrived at his court, and after granting their requests
and dismissing them, he thought it would be a favorable opportunity to
address Sapor in behalf of the Christians in Persia, and wrote to him,
[1163] confessing that it would be a very great and forever
indescribable favor, if he would be humane to those who admired the
teaching of the Christians under him. "There is nothing in their
religion," said he, "of a reprehensible nature; by bloodless prayers
alone do they offer supplication to God, for he delighteth not in the
outpouring of blood, but taketh pleasure only in a pure soul devoted
to virtue and to religion; so that they who believe these things are
worthy of commendation." The emperor then assured Sapor that God would
be propitious to him if he treated the Christians with lenity, and
adduced the example of Valerian and of himself in proof thereof. He
had himself, by faith in Christ, and by the aid of Divine inclination,
come forth from the shores of the Western ocean, and reduced to
obedience the whole of the Roman world, and had terminated many wars
against foreigners and usurpers; and yet had never had recourse to
sacrifices or divinations, but had for victory used only the symbol of
the Cross at the head of his own armies, and prayer pure from blood
and defilement. The reign of Valerian was prosperous so long as he
refrained from persecuting the Church; but he afterwards commenced a
persecution against the Christians, and was delivered by Divine
vengeance into the hands of the Persians, who took him prisoner and
put him to a cruel death."
It was in this strain that Constantine wrote to Sapor, urging him to
be well-disposed to this religion; for the emperor extended his
watchful care over all the Christians of every region, whether Roman
or foreign.
Footnotes
[1163] The Embassy is spoken of in Eus. V. C. iv. 8; the letter of
Constantine to Shapur, iv. 9-13. But Soz. is mistaken about its date;
for it was written before Sapor had commenced his persecution of the
Christians. As usual, Soz. quotes briefly, and with no regard to the
language and little to the thought. Theodoret, H. E. i. 25 (24), is
accurate. For further relations of Constantine with Persia, cf. Eus.
V. C. iv. 56, 57.
Chapter XVI.--Eusebius and Theognis who at the Council of Nice had
assented to the Writings of Arius restored to their own Sees.
Not long after the council of Nice, Arius was recalled from exile; but
the prohibition to enter Alexandria was unrevoked. It shall be related
in the proper place how he strove to obtain permission to return to
Egypt. Not long after, Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, and Theognis,
bishop of Nicæa, regained possession of their churches after expelling
Amphion and Chrestos who had been ordained in their stead. [1164] They
owed their restoration to a document which they had presented to the
bishops, containing a retractation: "Although we have been condemned
without a trial by your piety, we deemed it right to remain silent
concerning the judgment passed by your piety. But as it would be
absurd to remain longer silent, when silence is regarded as a proof of
the truth of the calumniators, we now declare to you that we too agree
in this faith, and after a diligent examination of the thought in the
word `consubstantial,' we are wholly intent upon preserving peace, and
that we never pursued any heresy. Having proposed for the safety of
the churches such argument [1165] as occurred to us, and having been
fully convinced, and fully convincing those who ought to have been
persuaded by us, we undersigned the creed; but we did not subscribe to
the anathema, not because we impugned the creed, but because we did
not believe the accused to be what he was represented to us; the
letters we had received from him, and the arguments he had delivered
in our presence, fully satisfying us that he was not such an one.
Would that the holy Synod were convinced that we are not bent on
opposing, but are accordant with the points accurately defined by you,
and by this document, we do attest our assent thereto: and this is not
because we are wearied of exile, but because we wish to avert all
suspicion of heresy; for if you will condescend to admit us now into
your presence, you will find us in all points of the same sentiments
as yourselves, and obedient to your decisions, and then it shall seem
good to your piety to be merciful to him who was accused on these
points and to have him recalled. If the party amenable to justice has
been recalled and has defended himself from the charge made, it would
be absurd, were we by our silence to confirm the reports that calumny
had spread against us. We beseech you then, as befits your piety, dear
to Christ, that you memorialize our emperor, most beloved of God, and
that you hand over our petition, and that you counsel quickly, what is
agreeable to you concerning us." It was by these means that Eusebius
and Theognis, after their change of sentiment, were reinstated in
their churches.
Footnotes
[1164] Cf. Soc. i. 14. The variations of text are slight. Is the
original from Sabinus' he sunagoge ton sunodikon?
[1165] The facts (as we learn from the Epistle of Eusebius of Cæsarea,
which is given by Soc. i. 8, and Theodoret, H. E. i. 12) are as
follows: The bishops, who demurred to the term homoousion, as defined
in the Nicene symbol, proposed another alleged older Antiochan form to
the Synod. But the Nicene Fathers rejected it, and refused to depart
from their own definition. Eusebius Pamphilus and his party then
signed the Catholic and Orthodox creed, for fear of the emperor and
other motives.
Chapter XVII.--On the Death of Alexander, Bishop of Alexandria, at his
Suggestion, Athanasius receives the Throne; and an Account of his
Youth; how he was a Self-Taught Priest, and beloved by Antony the
Great.
About this period [1166] Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, when about
to depart this life, left Athanasius as his successor, in accordance,
I am convinced, with the Divine will directing the vote upon him. It
is said that Athanasius at first sought to avoid the honor by flight,
but that he, although unwilling, was afterwards constrained by
Alexander to accept the bishopric. This is testified by Apolinarius,
the Syrian, [1167] in the following terms: "In all these matters much
disturbance was excited by impiety, but its first effects were felt by
the blessed teacher of this man, who was at hand as an assistant, and
behaved as a son would to his father. Afterwards this holy man himself
underwent the same experience, for when appointed to the episcopal
succession he fled to escape the honor; but he was discovered in his
place of concealment by the help of God, who had forecast by Divine
manifestations to his blessed predecessor, that the succession was to
devolve upon him. For when Alexander was on the point of death, he
called upon Athanasius, who was then absent. One who bore the same
name, and who happened to be present, on hearing him call this way,
answered him; but to him Alexander was silent, since he was not
summoning this man. Again he called, and as it often happens, the one
present kept still, and so the absent one was disclosed. Moreover, the
blessed Alexander prophetically exclaimed, `O Athanasius, thou
thinkest to escape, but thou wilt not escape'; meaning that Athanasius
would be called to the conflict." Such is the account given by
Apolinarius respecting Athanasius.
The Arians assert that after the death of Alexander, the respective
followers of that bishop and of Melitius held communion together, and
fifty-four bishops from Thebes, and other parts of Egypt, assembled
together, and agreed by oath to choose by a common vote, the man who
could advantageously administer the Church of Alexandria; but that
seven [1168] of the bishops, in violation of their oath, and contrary
to the opinion of all, secretly ordained Athanasius; and that on this
account many of the people and of the Egyptian clergy seceded from
communion with him. For my part, I am convinced that it was by Divine
appointment that Athanasius succeeded to the high-priesthood; for he
was eloquent and intelligent, and capable of opposing plots, and of
such a man the times had the greatest need. He displayed great
aptitude in the exercise of the ecclesiastical functions and fitness
for the priesthood, and was, so to speak, from his earliest years,
self-taught. It is said that the following incident occurred to him in
his youth. [1169] It was the custom of the Alexandrians to celebrate
with great pomp an annual festival in honor of one of their bishops
named Peter, who had suffered martyrdom. Alexander, who then conducted
the church, engaged in the celebration of this festival, and after
having completed the worship, he remained on the spot, awaiting the
arrival of some guests whom he expected to breakfast. In the meantime
he chanced to cast his eyes towards the sea, and perceived some
children playing on the shore, and amusing themselves by imitating the
bishop and the ceremonies of the Church. At first he considered the
mimicry as innocent, and took pleasure in witnessing it; but when they
touched upon the unutterable, he was troubled, and communicated the
matter to the chief of the clergy. The children were called together
and questioned as to the game at which they were playing, and as to
what they did and said when engaged in this amusement. At first they
through fear denied; but when Alexander threatened them with torture,
they confessed that Athanasius was their bishop and leader, and that
many children who had not been initiated had been baptized by him.
Alexander carefully inquired what the priest of their play was in the
habit of saying or doing, and what they answered or were taught. On
finding that the exact routine of the Church had been accurately
observed by them, he consulted the priests around him on the subject,
and decided that it would he unnecessary to rebaptize those who, in
their simplicity, had been judged worthy of the Divine grace. He
therefore merely performed for them such offices as it is lawful only
for those who are consecrated to initiating the mysteries. He then
took Athanasius and the other children, who had playfully acted as
presbyters and deacons, to their own relations under God as a witness
that they might be brought up for the Church, and for leadership in
what they had imitated. Not long after, he took Athanasius as his
table companion and secretary. He had been well educated, was versed
in grammar and rhetoric, and already when he came to man's estate, and
before he attained the bishopric, he gave proof to those conversing
with him of his being a man of wisdom and intellectuality. But when,
[1170] on the death of Alexander, the succession devolved upon him,
his reputation was greatly increased, and was sustained by his own
private virtues and by the testimony of the monk, Antony the Great.
This monk repaired to him when he requested his presence, visited the
cities, accompanied him to the churches, and agreed with him in
opinion concerning the Godhead. He evinced unlimited friendship
towards him, and avoided the society of his enemies and opponents.
Footnotes
[1166] About five months after the council of Nicæa, according to a
statement of Athan. Apol. cont. Arian. 59.
[1167] This quotation is first made by Soz., and is found nowhere
else.
[1168] See the refutation of the calumny in Athan. Apol. cont. Arian.
6, where the acts of the vindicatory synod are given, 3 sqq. Cf.
Philost. ii. 11, gives a different account from the Arian point of
view; probably the whole story is from Sabinus.
[1169] Ruf. H. E. i. 14. Cf. Soc. i. 15, who credits Ruf. with the
story.
[1170] From the Life of Antony, attributed to Athanasius, which
Evagrius, a presbyter of Antioch, translated into Latin. Ruf. H. E. i.
8, Hieron. de vir. illust. 87, 88, 125.
Chapter XVIII.--The Arians and Melitians confer Celebrity on
Athanasius; concerning Eusebius, and his Request of Athanasius to
admit Arius to Communion; concerning the Term "Consubstantial";
Eusebius Pamphilus and Eustathius, Bishop of Antioch, create Tumults
above all the rest.
The reputation of Athanasius was, however, especially increased by the
Arians and Melitians; [1171] although always plotting, they never
appeared rightly to catch and make him a prisoner. In the first place,
Eusebius wrote to urge him to receive the Arians into communion, and
threatened, without writing it, to ill-treat him should he refuse to
do so. But as Athanasius would not yield to his representation, but
maintained that those who had devised a heresy in innovating upon the
truth, and who had been condemned by the council of Nice, ought not to
be received into the Church, Eusebius contrived to interest the
emperor in favor of Arius, and so procured his return. I shall state a
little further on how all these events came to pass. [1172]
At this period, the bishops had another tumultuous dispute among
themselves, concerning the precise meaning of the term
"consubstantial." [1173] Some thought that this term could not be
admitted without blasphemy; that it implied the non-existence of the
Son of God; and that it involved the error of Montanus and Sabellius.
Those, on the other hand, who defended the term, regarded their
opponents as Greeks (or pagans), and considered that their sentiments
led to polytheism. Eusebius, surnamed Pamphilus, and Eustathius,
bishop of Antioch, took the lead in this dispute. They both confessed
the Son of God to exist hypostatically, and yet they contended
together as if they had misunderstood each other. Eustathius accused
Eusebius of altering the doctrines ratified by the council of Nicæa,
while the latter declared that he approved of all the Nicæan
doctrines, and reproached Eustathius for cleaving to the heresy of
Sabellius.
Footnotes
[1171] Source here is Soc. i. 23, but abridged.
[1172] See chap. 22.
[1173] Soc. again the source, but abridged; the matter is entirely the
fruit of his own research, as Soc. states in this Chapter (chap. i.
23). Cf. Eus. V. C. iii. 23.
Chapter XIX.--Synod of Antioch; Unjust Deposition of Eustathius;
Euphronius receives the Throne; Constantine the Great writes to the
Synod and to Eusebius Pamphilus, who refuses the Bishopric of Antioch.
A synod having been convened at Antioch, Eustathius was deprived of
the church of that city. [1174] It was most generally believed that he
was deposed merely on account of his adherence to the faith of the
council of Nicæa, and on account of his having accused Eusebius,
Paulinus, bishop of Tyre, and Patrophilus, bishop of Scythopolis
(whose sentiments were adopted by the Eastern priests), of favoring
the heresy of Arius. The pretext resorted to for his deposition,
however, was, that he had defiled the priesthood by unholy deeds. His
deposition excited so great a sedition at Antioch, that the people
were on the point of taking up arms, and the whole city was in a state
of commotion. This greatly injured him in the opinion of the emperor;
for when he understood what had happened, and that the people of that
church were divided into two parties, he was much enraged, and
regarded him with suspicion as the author of the tumult. The emperor,
however, sent an illustrious officer of his palace, invested with full
authority, to calm the populace, and put an end to the disturbance,
without having recourse to violence or injury.
Those who had deposed Eustathius, and who on this account were
assembled in Antioch, imagining that their sentiments would be
universally received, if they could succeed in placing over the Church
of Antioch one of their own opinion, who was known to the emperor, and
held in repute for learning and eloquence, and that they could obtain
the obedience of the rest, fixed their thoughts upon Eusebius
Pamphilus for that see. They wrote to the emperor upon this subject,
and stated that this course would be highly acceptable to the people.
He had, in fact, been sought by all the clergy and laity who were
inimical to Eustathius. Eusebius, however, wrote to the emperor
refusing the dignity. The emperor approved of his refusal with praise;
for there was an ecclesiastical law prohibiting the removal of a
bishop from one bishopric to another. He wrote to the people and to
Eusebius, adopting his judgment and calling him happy, because he was
worthy to hold the bishopric not only of one single city, but of the
world. The emperor also wrote to the people of the Church of Antioch
concerning like-mindedness, and told them that they ought not to
desire the bishops of other regions, even as they ought not to covet
the possessions of others. In addition to these, he despatched another
epistle to the Synod, in private session, and similarly commended
Eusebius as in the letter to him for having refused the bishopric; and
being convinced that Euphronius, a presbyter of Cappadocia, and George
of Arethusa were men approved in creed, he commanded the bishops to
decide for one or other of them, or for whomsoever might appear worthy
of the honor, and to ordain a president for the Church of Antioch. On
the receipt of these letters from the emperor, Euphronius was
ordained; and I have heard that Eustathius bore this unjust calumny
calmly, judging it to be better, as he was a man who, besides his
virtues and excellent qualities, was justly admired on account of his
fine eloquence, as is evidenced by his transmitted works, which are
highly approved for their choice of words, flavor of expression,
temperateness of sentiments, elegance and grace of narration.
Footnotes
[1174] Eus. V. C. iii. 59-62; Soc. i. 24; Philost. ii. 7. Soz. has
additional details, especially of names. Very likely, therefore, Soc.
and Soz. have drawn from the same source.
Chapter XX.--Concerning Maximus, who succeeded Macarius in the See of
Jerusalem.
About this time Mark, [1175] who had succeeded Silvester, and who had
held the episcopal sway during a short period, died, and Julius was
raised to the see of Rome. Maximus succeeded Macarius in the bishopric
of Jerusalem. [1176] It is said that Macarius had ordained him bishop
over the church of Diospolis, but that the members of the church of
Jerusalem insisted upon his remaining among them. For since he was a
confessor, and otherwise excellent, he was secretly chosen beforehand
in the approbation of the people for their bishopric, after that
Macarius should die. The dread of offending the people and exciting an
insurrection led to the election of another bishop over Diospolis, and
Maximus remained in Jerusalem, and exercised the priestly functions
conjointly with Macarius; and after the death of this latter, he
governed that church. It is, however, well known to those who are
accurately acquainted with these circumstances, that Macarius
concurred with the people in their desire to retain Maximus; for it is
said that he regretted the ordination of Maximus, and thought that he
ought necessarily to have been reserved for his own succession on
account of his holding right views concerning God and his confession,
which had so endeared him to the people. He likewise feared that, at
his death, the adherents of Eusebius and Patrophilus, who had embraced
Arianism, would take that opportunity to place one of their own views
in his see; for even while Macarius was living, they had attempted to
introduce some innovations, but since they were to be separated from
him, they on this account kept quiet.
Footnotes
[1175] Marcus is not mentioned by Soc. or Theodoret, only by the
Latins. The order is correct, whereas in i. 17 Julius is mistakenly
made to do duty for Silvester.
[1176] This whole Chapter is from an unknown source, and shows
familiarity with Palestinian history.
Chapter XXI.--The Melitians and the Arians agree in Sentiment;
Eusebius and Theognis endeavor to inflame anew the Disease of Arius.
In the meantime the contention which had been stirred in the beginning
among the Egyptians, could not be quelled. [1177] The Arian heresy had
been positively condemned by the council of Nice, while the followers
of Melitius had been admitted into communion under the stipulations
above stated. When Alexander returned to Egypt, Melitius delivered up
to him the churches whose government he had unlawfully usurped, and
returned to Lycus. Not long after, finding his end approaching, he
nominated John, one of his most intimate friends, as his successor,
contrary to the decree of the Nicæan Council, and thus fresh cause of
discord in the churches was produced. When the Arians perceived that
the Melitians were introducing innovations, they also harassed the
churches. For, as frequently occurs in similar disturbances, some
applauded the opinion of Arius, while others contended that those who
had been ordained by Melitius ought to govern the churches. These two
bodies of sectarians had hitherto been opposed to each other, but on
perceiving that the priests of the Catholic Church were followed by
the multitude, they became jealous and formed an alliance together,
and manifested a common enmity to the clergy of Alexandria. Their
measures of attack and defense were so long carried on in concert,
that in process of time the Melitians were generally called Arians in
Egypt, although they only dissent on questions of the presidency of
the churches, while the Arians hold the same opinions concerning God
as Arius. Although they individually denied one another's tenets, yet
they dissimulated in contradiction of their own view, in order to
attain an underhanded agreement in the fellowship of their enmity; at
the same time each one expected to prevail easily in what he desired.
From this period, however, the Melitians after the discussion on those
topics, received the Arian doctrines, and held the same opinion as
Arius concerning God. This revived the original controversy concerning
Arius, and some of the laity and clergy seceded from communion with
the others. The dispute concerning the doctrines of Arius was
rekindled once more in other cities, and particularly in Bithynia and
Hellespontus, and in the city of Constantinople. In short, it is said
that Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, and Theognis, bishop of Nicæa,
bribed the notary to whom the emperor had intrusted the custody of the
documents of the Nicæan Council, effaced their signatures, and
attempted openly to teach that the Son is not to be considered
consubstantial with the Father. Eusebius was accused of these
irregularities before the emperor, and he replied with great boldness
as he showed part of his clothing. "If this robe," said he, "had been
cut asunder in my presence, I could not affirm the fragments to be all
of the same substance." The emperor was much grieved at these
disputes, for he had believed that questions of this nature had been
finally decided by the council of Nicæa, but contrary to his hopes he
saw them again agitated. He more especially regretted that Eusebius
and Theognis had received certain Alexandrians into communion, [1178]
although the Synod had recommended them to repent on account of their
heterodox opinions, and although he had himself condemned them to
banishment from their native land, as being the exciters of sedition.
[1179] It is asserted by some, that it was for the above reasons that
the emperor in anger exiled Eusebius and Theognis; but as I have
already stated, I have derived my information from those who are
intimately acquainted with these matters.
Footnotes
[1177] This Chapter is also unique with Soz., both as to the Melitians
and Eusebius. The Melitian opposition is evident from Soc. i. 27.
[1178] Soz. has taken this from the Epistle of Constantine to the
Nicomedians against Eusebius and Theognis. This is preserved by
Theodoret, H. E. i. 20. Theodoret gives the full text; he and Soz.
both obtained it from some such collection as that of Sabinus.
[1179] Cf. Athan. Apol. cont. Arian. 7 (in the letter of the
Alexandrian Synod).
Chapter XXII.--The Vain Machinations of the Arians and Melitians
against St. Athanasius.
The various calamities which befell Athanasius were primarily
occasioned by Eusebius and Theognis. [1180] As they possessed great
freedom of speech and influence with the emperor, they strove for the
recall of Arius, with whom they were on terms of concord and
friendship, to Alexandria, and at the same time the expulsion from the
Church of him who was opposed to them. They accused him before
Constantine of being the author of all the seditions and troubles that
agitated the Church, and of excluding those who were desirous of
joining the Church; and alleged that unanimity would be restored were
he alone to be removed. The accusations against him were substantiated
by many bishops and clergy who were with John, and who sedulously
obtained access to the emperor; they pretended to great orthodoxy, and
imputed to Athanasius and the bishops of his party all the bloodshed,
bonds, unjust blows, wounds, and conflagrations of churches. But when
Athanasius demonstrated to the emperor the illegality of the
ordination of John's adherents, their innovations of the decrees of
the Nicæan Council, and the unsoundness of their faith, and the
insults offered to those who held right opinions about God,
Constantine was at a loss to know whom to believe. Since there were
such mutual allegations, and many accusations were frequently stirred
up by each party, and since he was earnestly anxious to restore the
like-mindedness of the people, he wrote to Athanasius that no one
should be shut out. If this should be betrayed to the last, he would
send regardless of consequences, one who should expel him from the
city of Alexandria. If any one should desire to see this letter of the
emperor's, he will here find the portion of it relating to this
affair: "As you are now acquainted with my will, which is, that to all
who desire to enter the Church you should offer an unhindered
entrance. For should I hear that any who are willing to join the
Church, have been debarred or hindered therefrom by you, I shall send
at once an officer who shall remove you, according to my command, and
shall transfer you to some other place." Athanasius, however, wrote to
the emperor and convinced him that the Arians ought not to be received
into communion by the Catholic Church; and Eusebius perceiving that
his schemes could never be carried into execution while Athanasius
strove in opposition, determined to resort to any means in order to
get rid of him. But as he could not find a sufficient pretext for
effecting this design, he promised the Melitians to interest the
emperor and those in power in their favor, if they would bring an
accusation against Athanasius. Accordingly, came the first indictment
that he had imposed upon the Egyptians a tax on linen tunics, and that
such a tribute had been exacted from the accusers. Apis [1181] and
Macarius, presbyters of the Church of Athanasius, who then happened to
be at court, clearly proved the persistent accusation to be false. On
being summoned to answer for the offense, Athanasius was further
accused of having conspired against the emperor, and of having sent,
for this purpose, a casket of gold to one Philumen. The emperor
detected the calumny of his accusers, sent Athanasius home, and wrote
to the people of Alexandria to testify that their bishop possessed
great moderation and a correct faith; that he had gladly met him, and
recognized him to be a man of God; and that, as envy had been the sole
cause of his indictment, he had appeared to better advantage than his
accusers; and having heard that the Arian and Melitian sectarians had
excited dissensions in Egypt, the emperor, in the same epistle,
exhorted the multitude to look to God, to take heed unto his
judgments, to be well disposed toward one another, to prosecute with
all their might those who plotted against their like-mindedness; thus
the emperor wrote to the people, exhorting them all to
like-mindedness, and striving to prevent divisions in the Church.
Footnotes
[1180] Athan. Apol. cont. Arian. 6; Soc. i. 27; Theod. H. E. i. 26,
27. Soz. works independently from the same sources.
[1181] Soc. i. 27, Alypius; Athan. Apol. cont. Arian. 60, where a part
of the Epistle of the emperor Constantine is given, and in this Apis
and Macarius are mentioned; here is an instance how Soz. corrects Soc.
Chapter XXIII.--Calumny respecting St. Athanasius and the Hand of
Arsenius.
The Melitians, on the failure of their first attempt, secretly
concocted other indictments against Athanasius. [1182] On the one hand
they charged him with breaking a sacred chalice, and on the other with
having slain one Arsenius, and with having cut off his arm and
retained it for magical purposes. It is said that this Arsenius was
one of the clergy, [1183] but that, having committed some crime, he
fled to a place of concealment for fear of being convicted and
punished by his bishop. The enemies of Athanasius devised the most
serious attack for this occurrence. They sought Arsenius with great
diligence, and found him; they showed him great kindness, promised to
secure for him every goodwill and safety, and conducted him secretly
to Patrines, [1184] a presbyter of a monastery, who was one of their
confederates, and of the same interest as themselves. After having
thus carefully concealed him, they diligently spread the report in the
market-places and public assemblies that he had been slain by
Athanasius. They also bribed John, a monk, to corroborate the
accusation. As this evil report was universally circulated, and had
even reached the ears of the emperor, Athanasius, being apprehensive
that it would be difficult to defend his cause before judges whose
minds were prejudiced by such false rumors, resorted to stratagems
akin to those of his adversaries. He did everything in his power to
prevent truth from being obscured by their attacks; but the multitude
could not be convinced, on account of the non-appearance of Arsenius.
Reflecting, therefore, that the suspicion which rested upon him could
not be removed except by proving that Arsenius, who was said to be
dead, was still alive, he sent a most trustworthy deacon in quest of
him. The deacon went to Thebes, and ascertained from the declaration
of some monks where he was living. And when he came to Patrines, with
whom he had been concealed, he found that Arsenius was not there; for
on the first intelligence of the arrival of the deacon he had been
conveyed to Lower Egypt. The deacon arrested Patrines, and conducted
him to Alexandria, as also Elias, one of his associates, who was said
to have been the person who conveyed Arsenius elsewhere. He delivered
them both to the commander of the Egyptian forces, and they confessed
that Arsenius was still alive, that he had been secretly concealed in
their house, and that he was now living in Egypt. Athanasius took care
that all these facts should be reported to Constantine. The emperor
wrote back to him, desiring him to attend to the due performance of
the priestly functions, and the maintenance of order and piety among
the people, and not to be disquieted by the machinations of the
Melitians, it being evident that envy alone was the cause of the false
indictments which were circulated against him and the disturbance in
the churches. The emperor added that, for the future, he should not
give place to such reports; and that, unless the calumniators
preserved the peace, he should certainly subject them to the rigor of
the state laws, and let justice have its course, as they had not only
unjustly plotted against the innocent, but had also shamefully abused
the good order and piety of the Church. Such was the strain of the
emperor's letter to Athanasius; and he further commanded that it
should be read aloud before the public, in order that they might all
be made acquainted with his intentions. The Melitians were alarmed at
these menaces, and became more quiet for a while, because they viewed
with anxiety the threat of the ruler. The churches throughout Egypt
enjoyed profound peace, and, directed by the presidency of this great
priest, it daily increased in numbers by the conversion of multitudes
of pagans and other heretics.
Footnotes
[1182] Athan. Apol. cont. Arian. 63; Ruf. H. E. i. 15-17; Soc. i. 27.
Independent workers of the same and other material.
[1183] He was bishop of the city of Hypselitæ, according to the
caption of his letter to Athan. See Apol. cont. Arian. 69.
[1184] Athan. calls him Pinnes, presbyter of a mansio (not monastery)
of Ptemencyrceus. See his letter to John in the Apol. cont. Arian. 67.
How did Soz. change this name to Patrines?
Chapter XXIV.--Some Indian Nations received Christianity at that Time
through the Instrumentality of Two Captives, Frumentius and Edesius.
We have heard that about this period some of the most distant of the
nations that we call Indians, to whom the preaching of Bartholomew was
unknown, shared in our doctrine, through Frumentius, [1185] who became
a priest and teacher of the sacred learning among them. But in order
that we may know, even by the marvel of what happened in India, that
the doctrine of the Christians ought to be received as a system not
from man, as it seems a tissue of miracles to some, it is necessary to
relate the reason for the ordination of Frumentius. It was as follows:
The most celebrated philosophers among the Greeks explored unknown
cities and regions. Plato, the friend of Socrates, dwelt for a time
among the Egyptians, in order to acquaint himself with their manners
and customs. He likewise sailed to Sicily for the sight of its
craters, whence, as from a fountain, spontaneously issued streams of
fire, which frequently overflowing, rushed like a river and consumed
the neighboring regions, so that even yet many fields appear burnt and
cannot be sown or planted with trees, just as they narrate about the
land of Sodom. These craters were likewise explored by Empedocles, a
man highly celebrated for philosophy among the Greeks, and who has
expounded his knowledge in heroic verse. He set out to investigate
this fiery eruption, when either because he thought such a mode of
death preferable to any other, or because, to speak more truthfully,
he perhaps knew not wherefore he should seek to terminate his life in
this manner, he leaped into the fire and perished. Democritus of Coös
explored many cities and climates and nations, and he says concerning
himself that eighty years of his life were spent in traveling through
foreign lands. Besides these philosophers, thousands of wise men among
the Greeks, ancient and modern, devoted themselves to this travel. In
emulation, Meropius, a philosopher of Tyre in Phoenicia, journeyed as
far as India. They say he was accompanied by two youths, named
Frumentius and Edesius; they were his relatives; he conducted their
rhetorical training, and educated them liberally. After exploring
India as much as possible, he set out for home, and embarked in a
vessel which was on the point of sailing for Egypt. It happened that,
from want of water or some other necessary, the vessel was obliged to
stop at some port, and the Indians rushed upon it and murdered all,
Meropius included. These Indians had just thrown off their alliance
with the Romans; they took the boys as living captives, because they
pitied their youth, and conducted them to their king. He appointed the
younger one his cup-bearer; the older, Frumentius, he put over his
house and made him administrator of his treasures; for he perceived
that he was intelligent and very capable in business. These youths
served the king usefully and faithfully during a long course of years,
and when he felt his end approaching, his son and wife surviving, he
rewarded the good-will of the servants with liberty, and permitted
them to go where they pleased. They were anxious to return to Tyre,
where their relatives resided; but the king's son being a minor, his
mother besought them to remain for a little while and take charge of
public affairs, until her son reached the years of manhood. They
yielded to her entreaties, and directed the affairs of the kingdom and
of the government of the Indies. Frumentius, by some Divine impulse,
perhaps because God moved him spontaneously, inquired whether there
were any Christians in India, or Romans among the merchants, who had
sailed thither. Having succeeded in finding the objects of his
inquiry, he summoned them into his presence, treated them with love
and friendliness, and convened them for prayer, and the assembly was
conducted after the Roman usage; and when he had built houses of
prayer, he encouraged them to honor God continually.
When the king's son attained the age of manhood, Frumentius and
Edesius besought him and the queen, and not without difficulty
persuaded the rulers to be separated from themselves, and having
parted as friends, they went back as Roman subjects. Edesius went to
Tyre to see his relatives, and was soon after advanced to the dignity
of presbyter. Frumentius, however, instead of returning to Phoenicia,
repaired to Alexandria; for with him patriotism and filial piety were
subordinate to religious zeal. He conferred with Athanasius, the head
of the Alexandrian Church, described to him the state of affairs in
India, and the necessity of appointing a bishop over the Christians
located in that country. Athanasius assembled the endemic priests, and
consulted with them on the subject; and he ordained Frumentius bishop
of India, since he was peculiarly qualified and apt to do much service
among those among whom he was the first to manifest the name of
Christian, and the seed of the participation in the doctrine was sown.
[1186] Frumentius, therefore, returned to India, and, it is said,
discharged the priestly functions so admirably that he became an
object of universal admiration, and was revered as no less than an
apostle. God highly honored him, enabling him to perform many
wonderful cures, and to work signs and wonders. Such was the origin of
the Indian priesthood.
Footnotes
[1185] Ruf. i. 9, who gathered the facts from Edesius himself. Cf.
Soc. i. 19. Soz. substitutes the scientific order of Plato,
Empedocles, and Democritus for that of Metrodorus. The story is
briefly reported by Theodoret, H. E. i. 23.
[1186] Athan. Apol. ad Const. 29-31. Frumentius was called the Abba
Salama of Auxoumis (Axum). Cf. Historia Ethiopica, Ludolf; Nic. Call.
repeats this story of Rufinus in his H. E. i. 37, with which compare
the narrative in xvii. 32.
Chapter XXV.--Council of Tyre; Illegal Deposition of St. Athanasius.
The plots of the enemies of Athanasius involved him in fresh troubles,
excited the hatred of the emperor against him, and stirred up a
multitude of accusers. Wearied by their importunity, the emperor
convened a council at Cæsarea in Palestine. Athanasius was summoned
thither; but fearing the artifices of Eusebius, bishop of the city, of
Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, and of their party, he refused to
attend, and for thirty months, although pressed to attend, persisted
in his refusal. At the end of that period, however, he was forced more
urgently and repaired to Tyre, where a great number of the bishops of
the East were assembled, [1187] who commanded him to undergo the
charges of those who accused him. Of John's party, Callinicus, a
bishop, and a certain Ischurias, accused him of breaking a mystical
chalice and of throwing down an episcopal chair; and of often causing
Ischurias, although he was a presbyter, to be loaded with chains; and
by falsely informing Hyginus, governor of Egypt, that he had cast
stones at the statues of the emperor of occasioning his being thrown
into prison; of deposing Callinicus, bishop of the Catholic Church at
Pelusium, and of saying that he would debar him from fellowship unless
he could remove certain suspicions concerning his having broken a
mystical chalice; of committing the Church of Pelusium to Mark, a
deposed presbyter; and of placing Callinicus under a military guard,
and of putting him under judicial tortures. Euplus, Pachomius, Isaac,
Achillas, [1188] and Hermæon, bishops of John's party, accused him of
inflicting blows. They all concurred in maintaining that he obtained
the episcopal dignity by means of the perjury of certain individuals,
it having been decreed that no one should receive ordination, who
could not clear himself of any crime laid to his charge. They further
alleged, that having been deceived by him, they had separated
themselves from communion with him, and that, so far from satisfying
their scruples, he had treated them with violence and thrown them into
prison.
Further, the affair of Arsenius was again agitated; and as generally
happens in such a studiously concocted plot, many even of those
considered his friends loomed up unexpectedly as accusers. A document
was then read, containing popular complaints that the people of
Alexandria could not continue their attendance at church on his
account. Athanasius, having been urged to justify himself, presented
himself repeatedly before the tribunal; successfully repelled some of
the allegations, and requested delay for investigation as to the
others. He was exceedingly perplexed when he reflected on the favor in
which his accusers were held by his judges, on the number of witnesses
belonging to the sects of Arius and Melitius who appeared against him,
and on the indulgence that was manifested towards the informers, whose
allegations had been overcome. And especially in the indictment
concerning Arsenius, whose arm he was charged with having cut off for
purposes of magic, and in the indictment concerning a certain woman to
whom he was charged with having given gifts for uncleanness, and with
having corrupted her by night, although she was unwilling. Both these
indictments were proved to be ridiculous and full of false espionage.
When this female made the deposition before the bishops, Timothy, a
presbyter of Alexandria, who stood by Athanasius, approached her
according to a plan he had secretly concerted, and said to her, "Did I
then, O woman, violate your chastity?" [1189] She replied, "But didst
thou not?" and mentioned the place and the attendant circumstances, in
which she had been forced. He likewise led Arsenius into the midst of
them, showed both his hands to the judges, and requested them to make
the accusers account for the arm which they had exhibited. For it
happened that Arsenius, either driven by a Divine influence, or, as it
is said, having been concealed by the plans of Athanasius, when the
danger to that bishop on his account was announced, escaped by night,
and arrived at Tyre the day before the trial. But these allegations
having been thus summarily dismissed, so that no defense was
necessary, no mention of the first was made in the transactions; most
probably, I think, because the whole affair was considered too
indecorous and absurd for insertion. As to the second, the accusers
strove to justify themselves by saying that a bishop under the
jurisdiction of Athanasius, named Plusian, [1190] had, at the command
of his chief, burnt the house of Arsenius, fastened him to a column,
and maltreated him with thongs, and then chained him in a cell. They
further stated that Arsenius escaped from the cell through a window,
and while he was sought for remained a while in concealment; that as
he did not appear, they naturally supposed him to be dead; that the
reputation he had acquired as a man and confessor, had endeared him to
the bishops of John's party; and that they sought for him, and applied
on his behalf to the magistrates.
Athanasius was filled with apprehension when he reflected on these
subjects, and began to suspect that his enemies were secretly scheming
to effect his ruin. After several sessions, when the Synod was filled
with tumult and confusion, and the accusers and a multitude of persons
around the tribunal were crying aloud that Athanasius ought to be
deposed as a sorcerer and a ruffian, and as being utterly unworthy the
priesthood, the officers, who had been appointed by the emperor to be
present at the Synod for the maintenance of order, compelled the
accused to quit the judgment hall secretly; for they feared lest they
might become his murderers, as is apt to be the case in the rush of a
tumult. On finding that he could not remain in Tyre without peril of
his life, and that there was no hope of obtaining justice against his
numerous accusers, from judges who were inimical to him, he fled to
Constantinople. The Synod condemned him during his absence, deposed
him from the bishopric, and prohibited his residing at Alexandria,
lest, said they, he should excite disturbances and seditions. John and
all his adherents were restored to communion, as if they had been
unjustly suffering wrongs, and each was reinstated in his own clerical
rank. The bishops then gave an account of their proceedings to the
emperor, and wrote to the bishops of all regions, enjoining them not
to receive Athanasius into fellowship, and not to write to him or
receive letters from him, as one who had been convicted of the crimes
which they had investigated, and on account of his flight, as also
guilty in those indictments which had not been tried. They likewise
declared, in this epistle, that they had been obliged to pass such
condemnation upon him, because, when commanded by the emperor the
preceding year to repair to the bishops of the East, who were
assembled at Cæsarea, he disobeyed the injunction, kept the bishops
waiting for him, and set at naught the commands of the ruler. They
also deposed that when the bishops had assembled at Tyre, he went to
that city, attended by a large retinue, for the purpose of exciting
disturbances and tumults in the Synod; that when there, he sometimes
refused to reply to the charges preferred against him; sometimes
insulted the bishops individually; when summoned by them, sometimes
not obeying, at others not deigning to be judged. They specified in
the same letter, that he was manifestly guilty of having broken a
mystical chalice, and that this fact was attested by Theognis, bishop
of Nicæa; by Maris, bishop of Chalcedonia; by Theodore, bishop of
Heraclea; by Valentinus and Ursacius; and by Macedonius, who had been
sent to the village in Egypt, where the chalice was said to have been
broken, in order to ascertain the truth. Thus did the bishops detail
successively each of the allegations against Athanasius, with the same
art to which sophists resort when they desire to heighten the effect
of their calumnies. Many of the priests, however, who were present at
the trial, perceived the injustice of the accusation. It is related
that Paphnutius, the confessor, [1191] who was present at the Synod,
arose, and took the hand of Maximus, the bishop of Jerusalem, to lead
him away, as if those who were confessors, and had their eyes dug out
for the sake of piety, ought not to participate in an assembly of
wicked men.
Footnotes
[1187] Eus. V. C. iv. 41, 42; the letter in 42 has a late addition in
Theodoret, H. E. i. 29 (27); Athan. Apol. cont. Arian. 8-12, 71-83;
Ruf. H. E. i. 16, 17; Soc. i. 27-32.
[1188] In the brief by Melitius, Achilles and Hermæon are given as
bishops respectively of Cusæ and Cynus (Cynopolis). Athan. Apol. cont.
Arian. 71.
[1189] Ruf. H. E. i. 17.
[1190] Mention is made of a bishop of this name in the Epistle of
Arsenius to Athanasius, which is preserved in the Apol. cont. Arian.
69.
[1191] This is in Ruf. H. E. i. 17. He also signs the first letter of
the Egyptian bishops at Tyre to Dionysius; Athan. Apol. cont. Arian.
79; he presumably subscribed to the second. Ibid.
Chapter XXVI.--Erection of a Temple by Constantine the Great at
Golgotha, in Jerusalem; its Dedication.
The temple, [1192] called the "Great Martyrium," which was built in
the place of the skull at Jerusalem, was completed about the thirtieth
year [1193] of the reign of Constantine; and Marianus, an official,
who was a short-hand writer of the emperor, came to Tyre and delivered
a letter from the emperor to the council, commanding them to repair
quickly to Jerusalem, in order to consecrate the temple. Although this
had been previously determined upon, yet the emperor deemed it
necessary that the disputes which prevailed among the bishops who had
been convened at Tyre should be first adjusted, and that they should
be purged of all discord and grief before going to the consecration of
the temple. For it is fitting to such a festival for the priests to be
like-minded. When the bishops arrived at Jerusalem, the temple was
therefore consecrated, as likewise numerous ornaments and gifts, which
were sent by the emperor and are still preserved in the sacred
edifice; their costliness and magnificence is such that they cannot be
looked upon without exciting wonder. Since that period the anniversary
of the consecration has been celebrated with great pomp by the church
of Jerusalem; [1194] the festival continues eight days, initiation by
baptism is administered, and people from every region under the sun
resort to Jerusalem during this festival, and visit the sacred places.
Footnotes
[1192] Eus. V. C. iv. 43-47; Athan. Apol. cont. Arian. 84; Soc. i. 33.
Cf. Theodoret, H. E. i. 31 (29). Soz.'s account is better than that of
either Soc. or Theodoret.
[1193] a.d. 335.
[1194] Sept. 13.
Chapter XXVII.--Concerning the Presbyter by whom Constantine was
persuaded to recall Arius and Euzoïus from Exile; the Tractate
concerning his Possibly Pious Faith, and how Arius was again received
by the Synod assembled at Jerusalem.
The bishops who had embraced the sentiments of Arius found a favorable
opportunity of restoring him and Euzoïus to communion, by zealously
striving to have a council in the city of Jerusalem. They effected
their design in the following manner [1195] :--
A certain presbyter who was a great admirer of the Arian doctrines,
was on terms of intimacy with the emperor's sister. At first he
concealed his sentiments; but as he frequently visited and became by
degrees more familiar with Constantia, for such was the name of the
sister of Constantine, he took courage to represent to her that Arius
was unjustly exiled from his country, and cast out from the Church,
through the jealousy and personal enmity of Alexander bishop of the
Alexandrian Church. He said that his jealousy had been excited by the
esteem which the people manifested towards Arius.
Constantia believed these representations to be true, yet took no
steps in her lifetime to innovate upon the decrees of Nicæa. Being
attacked with a disease which threatened to terminate in death, she
besought her brother, who went to visit her, to grant what she was
about to ask, as a last favor; this request was, to receive the above
mentioned presbyter on terms of intimacy, and to rely upon him as a
man who had correct opinions about the Divinity. "For my part," she
added, "I am drawing nigh to death, and am no longer interested in the
concerns of this life; the only apprehension I now feel, arises from
dread lest you should incur the wrath of God and suffer any calamity,
or the loss of your empire, since you have been induced to condemn
just and good men wrongfully to perpetual banishment." From that
period the emperor received the presbyter into favor, and after
permitting him to speak freely with him and to commune on the same
topics concerning which his sister had given her command, deemed
necessary to subject the case of Arius to a fresh examination; it is
probable that, in forming this decision, the emperor was either
influenced by a belief in the credibility of the attacks, or by the
desire of gratifying his sister. It was not long before he recalled
Arius from exile, [1196] and demanded of him a written exposition of
his faith concerning the Godhead. Arius avoided making use of the new
terms which he had previously devised, and constructed another
exposition by using simple terms, and such as were recognized by the
sacred Scriptures; he declared upon oath, that he held the doctrines
set forth in this exposition, that he both felt these statements ex
animo and had no other thought than these. It was as follows: [1197]
"Arius and Euzoïus, presbyters, to Constantine, our most pious emperor
and most beloved of God.
"According as your piety, beloved of God, commanded, O sovereign
emperor, we here furnish a written statement of our own faith, and we
protest before God that we, and all those who are with us, believe
what is here set forth.
"We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, and in His Son the Lord
Jesus Christ, who was begotten from Him before all ages, God the Word,
by whom all things were made, whether things in heaven or things on
earth; He came and took upon Him flesh, suffered and rose again, and
ascended into heaven, whence He will again come to judge the quick and
the dead.
"We believe in the Holy Ghost, in the resurrection of the body, in the
life to come, in the kingdom of heaven, and in one Catholic Church of
God, established throughout the earth. We have received this faith
from the Holy Gospels, in which the Lord says to His disciples, `Go
forth and teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father,
and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost.' If we do not so believe this,
and if we do not truly receive the doctrines concerning the Father,
the Son, and the Holy Ghost, as they are taught by the whole Catholic
Church and by the sacred Scriptures, as we believe in every point, let
God be our judge, both now and in the day which is to come. Wherefore
we appeal to your piety, O our emperor most beloved of God, that, as
we are enrolled among the members of the clergy, and as we hold the
faith and thought of the Church and of the sacred Scriptures, we may
be openly reconciled to our mother, the Church, through your
peacemaking and pious piety; so that useless questions and disputes
may be cast aside, and that we and the Church may dwell together in
peace, and we all in common may offer the customary prayer for your
peaceful and pious empire and for your entire family."
Many considered this declaration of faith as an artful compilation,
and as bearing the appearance of difference in expression, while, in
reality, it supported the doctrine of Arius; the terms in which it was
couched being so vague that it was susceptible of diverse
interpretations. The emperor imagined that Arius and Euzoïus were of
the same sentiments as the bishops of the council of Nicæa, and was
delighted over the affair. He did not, however, attempt to restore
them to communion without the judgment and approval of those who are,
by the law of the Church, masters in these matters. He, therefore,
sends them to the bishops who were then assembled at Jerusalem, and
wrote, desiring them to examine the declaration of faith submitted by
Arius and Euzoïus, and so to influence the Synod that, whether they
found that their doctrine was orthodox, and that the jealousy of their
enemies had been the sole cause of their condemnation, or that,
without having reason to blame those who had condemned them, they had
changed their minds, a humane decision might, in either case, be
accorded them. Those who had long been zealous for this, seized the
opportunity under cover of the emperor's letter, and received him into
fellowship. They wrote immediately to the emperor himself, to the
Church of Alexandria, and to the bishops and clergy of Egypt, of
Thebes, and of Libya, earnestly exhorting them to receive Arius and
Euzoïus into communion, since the emperor bore witness to the
correctness of their faith, in one of his own epistles, and since the
judgment of the emperor had been confirmed by the vote of the Synod.
[1198]
These were the subjects which were zealously discussed by the Synod of
Jerusalem.
Footnotes
[1195] Ruf. H. E. i. 11; Soc. i. 25, 26, 33.
[1196] This letter of the emperor is in Soc. i. 25.
[1197] Soc. i. 26, verbal variations. Both probably from Sabinus.
[1198] Ruf. H. E, i. 11; Soc. i. 33. For the letter of the Synod, cf.
Athan. de Synodis, 21; a part is also given in Apol. cont. Arian. 84.
Chapter XXVIII.--Letter from the Emperor Constantine to the Synod of
Tyre, and Exile of St. Athanasius through the Machination of the Arian
Faction.
Athanasius, after having fled from Tyre, repaired [1199] to
Constantinople, and on coming to the emperor Constantine, complained
of what he had suffered, in presence of the bishops who had condemned
him, and besought him to permit the decrees of the council of Tyre to
be submitted for examination before the emperor. Constantine regarded
this request as reasonable, and wrote in the following terms to the
bishops assembled at Tyre:--
"I know not what has been enacted in confusion and vehemence by your
Synod; but it appears that, from some disturbing disorder, decrees
which are not in conformity with truth have been enacted, and that
your constant irritation of one another evidently prevented you from
considering what is pleasing to God. But it will be the work of Divine
Providence to scatter the evils which have been drawn out of this
contentiousness, and to manifest to us clearly whether you have not
been misled in your judgment by motives of private friendship or
aversion. I therefore command that you all come here to my piety
without delay, in order that we may receive an exact account of your
transactions. I will explain to you the cause of my writing to you in
this strain, and you will know from what follows, why I summon you
before myself through this document. As I was returning on horseback
to that city which bears my name, and which I regard as my much
prospered country, Athanasius, the bishop, presented himself so
unexpectedly in the middle of the highway, with certain individuals
who accompanied him, that I felt exceedingly surprised at beholding
him. God, who sees all things, is my witness, that at first I did not
know who he was, but that some of my attendants having ascertained
this point, and the injustice which he had suffered, gave me the
necessary information. I did not on this occasion grant him an
interview. He, however, persevered in requesting an audience; and
although I refused him, and was on the point of commanding that he
should be removed from my presence, he told me with more boldness,
that he sought no other favor of me than that I should summon you
hither, in order that he might in your presence complain of what he
had suffered unnecessarily. As this request appears reasonable and
timely, I deemed it right to address you in this strain, and to
command all of you who were convened at the Synod of Tyre to hasten to
the court of our clemency, so that you may demonstrate by your works,
the purity and inflexibility of your decisions before me, whom you
cannot refuse to acknowledge as a genuine servant of God. By my zeal
in His service, peace has been established throughout the world, and
the name of God is genuinely praised among the barbarians, who till
now were in ignorance of the truth; and it is evident that whoever is
ignorant of the truth knows not God. Notwithstanding, as is above
stated, the barbarians have, through my instrumentality, learnt to
know genuinely and to worship God; for they perceived that everywhere,
and on all occasions, his protection rested on me; and they reverence
God the more deeply because they fear my power. But we who have to
announce the mysteries of forbearance (for I will not say that we keep
them), we, I say, ought not to do anything that can tend to dissension
or hatred, or, to speak plainly, to the destruction of the human race.
Come, then, to us, as I have said, with all diligence, and be assured
that I shall do everything in my power to preserve all the
particularly infallible parts of the law of God in a way that no fault
or heterodoxy can be fabricated; while those enemies of the law who,
under the guise of the Holy Name, endeavor to introduce variant and
differing blasphemies, have been openly scattered, utterly crushed,
and wholly suppressed."
This letter of the emperor so excited the fears of some of the bishops
that they set off on their journey homewards. But Eusebius, bishop of
Nicomedia, and his partisans, went to the emperor, and represented
that the Synod of Tyre had enacted no decrees against Athanasius but
what were founded on justice. They brought forward as witnesses
Theognis, Maris, Theodore, Valens, and Ursacius, and deposed that he
had broken the mystical cup, and after uttering many other calumnies,
they prevailed with their accusations. The emperor, either believing
their statements to be true, or imagining that unanimity would be
restored among the bishops if Athanasius were removed, exiled him to
Treves, in Western Gaul; and thither, therefore, he was conducted.
Footnotes
[1199] This letter is given in Athan. Apol. cont. Arian. 86; Soc. i.
33-35.
Chapter XXIX.--Alexander, Bishop of Constantinople; his Refusal to
receive Arius into Communion; Arius is burst asunder while seeking
Natural Relief.
After the Synod of Jerusalem, Arius went to Egypt, [1200] but as he
could not obtain permission to hold communion with the Church of
Alexandria, he returned to Constantinople. As all those who had
embraced his sentiments, and those who were attached to Eusebius,
bishop of Nicomedia, had assembled cunningly in that city for the
purpose of holding a council, Alexander, who was then ordering the see
of Constantinople, used every effort to dissolve the council. But as
his endeavors were frustrated, he openly refused all covenant with
Arius, affirming that it was neither just nor according to
ecclesiastical canons, to make powerless their own vote, and that of
those bishops who had been assembled at Nicæa, from nearly every
region under the sun. When the partisans of Eusebius perceived that
their arguments produced no effect on Alexander, they had recourse to
contumely, and threatened that unless he would receive Arius into
communion on a stated day, he should be expelled from the church, and
that another should be elected in his place who would be willing to
hold communion with Arius. They then separated, the partisans of
Eusebius, to await the time they had fixed for carrying their menaces
into execution, and Alexander to pray that the words of Eusebius might
be prevented from being carried into deed. His chief source of fear
arose from the fact that the emperor had been persuaded to give way.
On the day before the appointed day he prostrated himself before the
altar, and continued all the night in prayer to God, that his enemies
might be prevented from carrying their schemes into execution against
him. Late in the afternoon, Arius, being seized suddenly with pain in
the stomach, was compelled to repair to the public place set apart for
emergencies of this nature. As some time passed away without his
coming out, some persons, who were waiting for him outside, entered,
and found him dead and still sitting upon the seat. When his death
became known, all people did not view the occurrence under the same
aspect. Some believed that he died at that very hour, seized by a
sudden disease of the heart, or suffering weakness from his joy over
the fact that his matters were falling out according to his mind;
others imagined that this mode of death was inflicted on him in
judgment, on account of his impiety. Those who held his sentiments
were of opinion that his death was brought about by magical arts. It
will not be out of place to quote what Athanasius, bishop of
Alexandria, stated on the subject. The following is his narrative:--
Footnotes
[1200] Ruf. H. E. i. 12, 13; Soc. i. 37, 38; Athan. Ep. ad Serapion,
and ad Episcop. Ægypt. et Lib. 19. Soz. follows Athan. and Ruf. Athan.
says he derived his statements from Macarius, a presbyter, an
eye-witness of some of the events narrated in this Chapter and the
next.
Chapter XXX.--Account given by the Great Athanasius of the Death of
Arius.
"Arius, [1201] the author of the heresy and the associate of Eusebius,
having been summoned before the most blessed Constantine Augustus, at
the solicitation of the partisans of Eusebius, was desired to give in
writing an exposition of his faith. He drew up this document with
great artfulness, and like the devil, concealed his impious assertions
beneath the simple words of Scripture. The most blessed Constantine
said to him, `If you have no other points in mind than these, render
testimony to the truth; for if you perjure yourself, the Lord will
punish you'; and the wretched man swore that he neither held nor
conceived any sentiments except those now specified in the document,
even if he had ever affirmed otherwise; soon after he went out, and
judgment was visited upon him; for he bent forwards and burst in the
middle. With all men the common end of life is death. We must not
blame a man, even if he be an enemy, merely because he died, for it is
uncertain whether we shall live to the evening. But the end of Arius
was so singular that it seems worthy of some remark. The partisans of
Eusebius threatened to reinstate him in the church, and Alexander,
bishop of Constantinople, opposed their intention; Arius placed his
confidence in the power and menaces of Eusebius; for it was the
Sabbath, and he expected the next day to be readmitted. The dispute
ran high; the partisans of Eusebius were loud in their menaces, while
Alexander had recourse to prayer. The Lord was the judge, and declared
himself against the unjust. A little before sunset Arius was compelled
by a want of nature to enter the place appointed for such emergencies,
and here he lost at once both restoration to communion and his life.
The most blessed Constantine was amazed when he heard of this
occurrence, and regarded it as the proof of perjury. It then became
evident to every one that the menaces of Eusebius were absolutely
futile, and that the expectations of Arius were vain. It also became
manifest that the Arian madness could not be fellowshipped by the
Saviour both here and in the church of the Firstborn. Is it not then
astonishing that some are still found who seek to exculpate him whom
the Lord condemned, and to defend that heresy which the Lord proved to
be unworthy of fellowship, by not permitting its author to enter the
church? We have been duly informed that this was the mode of the death
of Arius." It is said that for a long period subsequently no one would
make use of the seat on which he died. Those who were compelled by
necessities of nature, as is wont to be the case in a crowd, to visit
the public place, when they entered, spoke to one another to avoid the
seat, and the place was shunned afterwards, because Arius had there
received the punishment of his impiety. At a later time a certain rich
and powerful man, who had embraced the Arian tenets, bought the place
of the public, and built a house on the spot, in order that the
occurrence might fall into oblivion, and that there might be no
perpetual memorial of the death of Arius.
Footnotes
[1201] Cf. Athan. Ep. ad Episc. Ægypt. et Lib. 18, 19; cf. Athan. Ep.
ad Serapion, which treats of the death of Arius.
Chapter XXXI.--Events which occurred in Alexandria after the Death of
Arius. Letter of Constantine the Great to the Church there.
The death of Arius did not terminate the doctrinal dispute which he
had originated. [1202] Those who adhered to his sentiments did not
cease from plotting against those who maintained opposite opinions.
The people of Alexandria loudly complained of the exile of Athanasius,
and offered up supplications for his return; and Antony, the
celebrated monk, wrote frequently to the emperor to entreat him to
attach no credit to the insinuations of the Melitians, but to reject
their accusations as calumnies; yet the emperor was not convinced by
these arguments, and wrote to the Alexandrians, accusing them of folly
and of disorderly conduct. He commanded the clergy and the holy
virgins to remain quiet, and declared that he would not change his
mind nor recall Athanasius, whom, he said, he regarded as an exciter
of sedition, justly condemned by the judgment of the Church. He
replied to Antony, by stating that he ought not to overlook the decree
of the Synod; for even if some few of the bishops, he said, were
actuated by ill-will or the desire to oblige others, it scarcely seems
credible that so many prudent and excellent bishops could have been
impelled by such motives; and, he added, that Athanasius was
contumelious and arrogant, and the cause of dissension and sedition.
The enemies of Athanasius accused him the more especially of these
crimes, because they knew that the emperor regarded them with peculiar
aversion. When he heard that the Church was split into two factions,
of which one supported Athanasius and the other John, he was
transported with indignation, and exiled John himself. This John had
succeeded Melitius, and had, with those who held the same sentiments
as himself, been restored to communion and reestablished in the
clerical functions by the Synod of Tyre. His banishment was contrary
to the wishes of the enemies of Athanasius, yet it was done, and the
decrees of the Synod of Tyre did not benefit John, for the emperor was
beyond supplication or petition of any kind with respect to any one
who was suspected of stirring up Christian people to sedition or
dissension.
Footnotes
[1202] This Chapter has no parallel in the present sources.
Chapter XXXII.--Constantine enacts a Law against all Heresies, and
prohibits the People from holding Church in any place but the Catholic
Church, and thus the Greater Number of Heresies disappear. The Arians
who sided with Eusebius of Nicomedia, artfully attempted to obliterate
the Term "Consubstantial."
Although the doctrine of Arius was zealously supported by many persons
in disputations, [1203] a party had not as yet been formed to whom the
name of Arians could be applied as a distinctive appellation; for all
assembled together as a church and held communion with each other,
with the exception of the Novatians, those called Phrygians, the
Valentinians, the Marcionites, the Paulianians, and some few others
who adhered to already invented heresies. The emperor, however,
enacted a law that their own houses of prayer should be abolished; and
that they should meet in the churches, and not hold church in private
houses, or in public places. He deemed it better to hold fellowship in
the Catholic Church, and he advised them to assemble in her walls. By
means of this law, almost all the heresies, I believe, disappeared.
During the reign of preceding emperors, all who worshiped Christ,
however they might have differed from each other in opinion, received
the same treatment from the pagans, and were persecuted with equal
cruelty. These common calamities, to which they were all equally
liable, prevented them from prosecuting any close inquiries as to the
differences of opinion which existed among themselves; it was
therefore easy for the members of each party to hold church by
themselves, and by continually conferring with one another, however
few they might have been in number, they were not disrupted. But after
this law was passed they could not assemble in public, because it was
forbidden; nor could they hold their assemblies in secret, for they
were watched by the bishops and clergy of their city. Hence the
greater number of these sectarians were led, by fear of consequences,
to join themselves to the Catholic Church. Those who adhered to their
original sentiments did not, at their death, leave any disciples to
propagate their heresy, for they could neither come together into the
same place, nor were they able to teach in security those of the same
opinions. On account either of the absurdity of the heretical dogmas,
or of the utter ignorance of those who devised and taught them, the
respective followers of each heresy were, from the beginning, very few
in number. The Novatians alone, [1204] who had obtained good leaders,
and who entertained the same opinions respecting the Divinity as the
Catholic Church, were numerous, from the beginning, and remained so,
not being much injured by this law; the emperor, I believe, willingly
relaxed in their favor the rigor of the enactment, for he only desired
to strike terror into the minds of his subjects, and had no intention
of persecuting them. Acesius, who was then the bishop of this heresy
in Constantinople, was much esteemed by the emperor on account of his
virtuous life; and it is probable that it was for his sake that the
church which he governed met with protection. The Phrygians suffered
the same treatment as the other heretics in all the Roman provinces
except Phrygia and the neighboring regions, for here they had, since
the time of Montanus, existed in great numbers and do so to the
present day.
About this time the partisans of Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, and of
Theognis, bishop of Nicæa, began to make innovations in writing upon
the confession set forth by the Nicæan Council. They did not venture
to reject openly the assertion that the Son is consubstantial with the
Father, because this assertion was maintained by the emperor; but they
propounded another document, and signified to the Eastern bishops that
they received the terms of the Nicæan doctrine with verbal
interpretations. From this declaration and reflection, the former
dispute lapsed into fresh discussion, and what seemed to have been put
at rest was again set in motion.
Footnotes
[1203] This Chapter, outside of the law of Constantine against the
heretics (Eus. V. C. iii. 64), consists of Soz.'s reflections on the
state of the heresies.
[1204] Sozomen speaks with favor of the Novatians, though not with the
earnestness of Socrates.
Chapter XXXIII.--Marcellus Bishop of Ancyra; his Heresy and
Deposition.
At the same period, Marcellus, bishop of Ancyra, [1205] in Galatia,
was deposed and cast out of the Church by the bishops assembled at
Constantinople, because he had introduced some new doctrines, whereby
he taught that the existence of the Son of God commenced when He was
born of Mary, and that His kingdom would have an end; he had,
moreover, drawn up a written document wherein these views were
propounded. Basil, a man of great eloquence and learning, was invested
with the bishopric of the parish of Galatia. They also wrote to the
churches in the neighboring regions, to desire them to search for the
copies of the book [1206] written by Marcellus, and to destroy them,
and to lead back any whom they might find to have embraced his
sentiments. They stated that the work was too voluminous to admit of
their transcribing the whole in their epistle, but that they inserted
quotations of certain passages in order to prove that the doctrines
which they had condemned were there advocated. Some persons, however,
maintained that Marcellus had merely propounded a few questions which
had been misconstrued by the adherents of Eusebius, and represented to
the emperor as actual confessions. Eusebius and his partisans were
much irritated against Marcellus, because he had not consented to the
definitions propounded by the Synod in Phoenicia, nor to the
regulations which had been made in favor of Arius at Jerusalem; and
had likewise refused to attend at the consecration of the Great
Martyrium, in order to avoid communion with them. In their letter to
the emperor, they dwelt largely upon this latter circumstance, and
brought it forward as a charge, alleging that it was a personal insult
to him to refuse attendance at the consecration of the temple which he
had constructed at Jerusalem. The motive by which Marcellus was
induced to write this work was that Asterius, who was a sophist and a
native of Cappadocia, had written a treatise in defense of the Arian
doctrines, and had read it in various cities, and to the bishops, and
likewise at several Synods where he had attended. Marcellus undertook
to refute his arguments, and while thus engaged, he, either
deliberately or unintentionally, fell into the opinions of Paul of
Samosata. He was afterwards, however, reinstated in his bishopric by
the Synod of Sardis, after having proved that he did not hold such
sentiments.
Footnotes
[1205] Soc. i. 36. Soz. has more detail as to Asterius, and better
order; both probably took from the same source. Compare the attitude
of Athan. toward Marcellus.
[1206] Hil. Fragm. ii. 22, gives the title of this work as de
Subjectione Domini Christi. Eus. Pamp. wrote a refutation of this
book.
Chapter XXXIV.--Death of Constantine the Great; he died after Baptism
and was buried in the Temple of the Holy Apostles.
The emperor had already divided the empire among his sons, who were
styled Cæsars. [1207] To Constantine and Constans he awarded the
western regions; and to Constantius, the eastern; and as he was
indisposed, and required to have recourse to bathing, he repaired for
that purpose to Helenopolis, a city of Bithynia. His malady, however,
increased, and he went to Nicomedia, and was initiated into holy
baptism in one of the suburbs of that city. After the ceremony he was
filled with joy, and returned thanks to God. He then confirmed the
division of the empire among his sons, according to his former
allotment, and bestowed certain privileges on old Rome and on the city
named after himself. He placed his testament in the hands of the
presbyter who constantly extolled Arius, and who had been recommended
to him as a man of virtuous life by his sister Constantia in her last
moments, and commanded him with an added oath to deliver it to
Constantius on his return, for neither Constantius nor the other
Cæsars were with their dying father. After making these arrangements,
Constantine survived but a few days; he died in the sixty-fifth year
of his age, and the thirty-first of his reign. He was a powerful
protector of the Christian religion, and was the first of the emperors
who began to be zealous for the Church, and to bestow upon her high
benefactions. He was more successful than any other sovereign in all
his undertakings; for he formed no design, I am convinced, without
God. He was victorious in his wars against the Goths and Sarmatians,
and, indeed, in all his military enterprises; and he changed the form
of government according to his own mind with so much ease, that he
created another senate and another imperial city, to which he gave his
own name. He assailed the pagan religion, and in a little while
subverted it, although it had prevailed for ages among the princes and
the people.
After the death of Constantine, his body was placed in a golden
coffin, conveyed to Constantinople, and deposited on a certain
platform in the palace; the same honor and ceremonial were observed,
by those who were in the palace, as were accorded to him while living.
On hearing of his father's death, Constantius, who was then in the
East, hastened to Constantinople, and interred the royal remains with
the utmost magnificence, and deposited them in the tomb which had been
constructed by order of the deceased in the Church of the Apostles.
From this period it became the custom to deposit the remains of
subsequent Christian emperors in the same place of interment; and here
bishops, likewise, were buried, for the hierarchical dignity is not
only equal in honor to imperial power, but, in sacred places, even
takes the ascendancy.
Footnotes
[1207] Eus. V. C. iv. 61-75; Ruf. H. E. i. 11; Soc. i. 38-40; cf.
Philost. ii. 16, 17. Cf. Eutrop. Brev. hist. Rom. x. 7, 8.
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