The Ecclesistical History of Sozomen - Book IX
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comprising a history of the church, from a.d. 323 to a.d. 425.
translated from the Greek.
Revised by Chester d. Hartranft,
Hartford Theological Seminary.
Under the editorial supervision of Philip Schaff, D.D., LL.D.,
Professor of Church History in the Union Theological Semimary, New York,
and Henry Wace, D.D., Principal of King's College, London
Published in 1886 by Philip Schaff,
New York: Christian Literature Publishing Co.
Book IX.
Chapter I.--Death of Arcadius, and Government of Theodosius the
Younger. His Sisters. Piety, Virtue, and Virginity, of the Princess
Pulcheria; her Divinely Loved Works; she educated the Emperor
Befittingly.
Such are the details that have been transmitted concerning John. Not
long after his death, and three years after the elevation of Atticus
to the bishopric of Constantinople, and during the consulate of Bassus
and Philip, Arcadius died. He left Theodosius, his son, [1622] who was
just weaned, as his successor to the empire. He also left three
daughters of tender age, named Pulcheria, Arcadia, and Marina.
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It appears to me that it was the design of God to show by the events
of this period, that piety alone suffices for the salvation of
princes; and that without piety, armies, a powerful empire, and every
other resource, are of no avail. The Divine Power which is the
guardian of the universe, foresaw that the emperor would be
distinguished by his piety, and therefore determined that Pulcheria,
his sister, should be the protector of him and of his government. This
princess was not yet fifteen years of age, but had received a mind
most wise and divine above her years. She first devoted her virginity
to God, and instructed her sisters in the same course of life. To
avoid all cause of jealousy and intrigue, she permitted no man to
enter her palace. In confirmation of her resolution, she took God, the
priests, and all the subjects of the Roman empire as witnesses to her
self-dedication. In token of her virginity and the headship of her
brother, she consecrated in the church of Constantinople, a holy
table, a remarkable fabric and very beautiful to see; it was made of
gold and precious stones; and she inscribed these things on the front
of the table, so that it might be patent to all. After quietly
resuming the care of the state, she governed the Roman empire
excellently and with great orderliness; she concerted her measures so
well that the affairs to be carried out were quickly decreed and
completed. She was able to write and to converse with perfect accuracy
in the Greek and Latin languages. She caused all affairs to be
transacted in the name of her brother, and devoted great attention to
bringing him up as a prince in the best possible way and with such
information as was suitable to his years. She had him taught by the
most skilled men, in horsemanship, and the practice of arms, and in
letters. But he was systematically taught by his sister to be orderly
and princely in his manners; she showed him how to gather up his
robes, and how to take a seat, and how to walk; she trained him to
restrain laughter, to assume a mild or a formidable aspect as the
occasion might require, and to inquire with urbanity into the cases of
those who came before him with petitions. But she strove chiefly, to
lead him into piety, and to pray continuously; she taught him to
frequent the church regularly, and to honor the houses of prayer with
gifts and treasures; and she inspired him with reverence for priests
and other good men, and for those who, in accordance with the law of
Christianity, had devoted themselves to philosophy. She provided
zealously and wisely that religion might not be endangered by the
innovation of spurious dogmas. That new heresies have not prevailed in
our times, we shall find to be due especially to her, as we shall
subsequently see. With how much fear she worshiped God, it would take
long for any one to say; and how many houses of prayer she built
magnificently, and how many hostelries and monastic communities she
established, the arrangement for the expenses for their perpetual
support, and the provision for the inmates. If any one pleases to
examine the truth from the business itself, and not to be convinced by
my words, he will learn that they are not falsely described by me for
my own favor, if he will investigate the testimonial documents written
up by the stewards of her house, and if he will inquire from the true
records whether the facts agree with my history. If these proofs alone
do not satisfy him so as to make him believe, let God himself persuade
him who had her in favor altogether and everywhere on account of her
conduct, so that He heard her prayer readily, and frequently directed
beforehand the things which ought to be done. Such indications of
Divine love are not conferred upon men unless they have merited them
by their works. But I willingly pass over for the present the many
separate manifestations of Divine favor that were granted to the
sister of the emperor as proofs that she was loved of God, lest
anybody should blame me for having set out to do other things, and yet
had turned to the use of encomiums. One incident relating to her
seems, however, so fitting in itself and to my ecclesiastical history,
and so evident a demonstration of her love for God, that I will relate
it here, although it happened some time afterwards. It is as
follows:--
Footnotes
[1622] Soc. vi. 23; Philost. xii. 7; Theodoret, H. E. v. 36. Soz. is
independent. Cf. Zos. v. 31; Olymp. Fragm. 1 and 2.
Chapter II.--Discovery of the Relics of Forty Holy Martyrs.
A woman by name Eusebia, [1623] who was a deaconess of the Macedonian
sect, had a house and garden without the walls of Constantinople, in
which she kept the holy remains of forty soldiers, [1624] who had
suffered martyrdom under Licinius at Sebaste in Armenia. When she felt
death approaching, she bequeathed the aforesaid place to some orthodox
monks, and bound them by oath to bury her there, and to hew out
separately a place above her head at the top of her coffin, and to
deposit the relics of the martyrs with her, and to inform no one. The
monks did so; but in order to render due honor to the martyrs
secretly, according to the agreement with Eusebia, they formed a
subterranean house of prayer near her tomb. But open to view, an
edifice was erected above the foundation, inclosed with baked bricks,
and a secret descent from it to the martyrs. Soon after, Cæsar, a man
among those in power, who had formerly been advanced to the dignity of
consul and prefect, lost his wife, and caused her to be interred near
the tomb of Eusebia; for the two ladies had been knit together by the
most tender friendship, and had been of one mind on all doctrinal and
religious subjects. Cæsar was hence induced to purchase this place so
that he might be entombed near his wife. The aforesaid monks settled
elsewhere, and without divulging anything about the martyrs. After
this, when the building was demolished, and when the earth and refuse
were scattered about, the whole place was smoothed off. For Cæsarius
himself erected there a magnificent temple to God to the honor of
Thyrsus, the martyr. It appears probable that God designedly willed
the aforesaid place to disappear, and so long a time to elapse in
order that the discovery of the martyrs might be regarded as more
marvelous and a more conspicuous event, and as a proof of the Divine
favor towards the discoverer. The discoverer was, in fact, no other
than the Empress Pulcheria, the sister of the emperor. The admirable
Thyrsus appeared to her three times, and revealed to her those
concealed beneath the earth; and commanded that they should be
deposited near his tomb, in order that they might share in the same
position and honor. The forty martyrs themselves also appeared to her,
arrayed in shining robes. But the occurrence seemed too marvelous to
be credible, and altogether impossible; for the aged of clergy of that
region, after having frequently prosecuted inquiries, had not been
able to indicate the position of the martyrs, nor indeed had any one
else. At length, when everything was hopeless, Polychronius, a certain
presbyter, who had formerly been a servant in the household of Cæsar,
was reminded by God that the locality in question had once been
inhabited by monks. He therefore went to the clergy of the Macedonian
sect to inquire concerning them. All the monks were dead, with the
exception of one, who seemed to have been preserved in life for the
express purpose of pointing out the spot where the relics of the holy
martyrs were concealed. Polychronius questioned him closely on the
subject, and finding that, on account of the agreement made with
Eusebia, his answers were somewhat undecided, he made known to him the
Divine revelation and the anxiety of the empress, as well as the
failure of her recourses. The monk then confessed that God had
declared the truth to the empress; for at the time when he was an
overgrown boy, and was taught the monastic life by its aged leaders,
he remembered exactly that the relics of the martyrs had been
deposited near the tomb of Eusebia; but that the subsequent lapse of
time, and the changes which had been carried on in that locality,
deprived him of the power of recalling to his recollection whether the
relics had been deposited beneath the church or in any other spot. And
further said Polychronius, "I have not suffered a like lapse of
memory, for I remember that I was present at the interment of the wife
of Cæsar, and, as well as I can judge from the relative situation of
the high road, I infer that she must have been buried beneath the
ambo"; this is the platform for the readers. "Therefore," subjoined
the monk, "it must be near the remains of Cæsar's wife that the tomb
of Eusebia must be sought; for the two ladies lived on terms of the
closest friendship and intimacy, and mutually agreed to be interred
beside each other." When it was necessary to dig, according to the
aforesaid intimations, and to track out the sacred relics, and the
empress had learned the facts, she commanded them to begin the work.
On digging up the earth by the ambo, the coffin of Cæsar's wife was
discovered according to the conjecture of Polychronius. At a short
distance on the side they found the pavement of baked bricks, and a
marble tablet of equal dimensions, each the measure of the bricks,
under which the coffin of Eusebia was disclosed; and close by was an
oratory, elegantly inclosed with white and purple marble. The cover of
the tomb was in the form of a holy table, and at the summit, where the
relics were deposited, a small orifice was visible. A man attached to
the palace, who happened to be standing by, thrust a cane which he
held in his hand into the orifice; and on withdrawing the cane he held
it to his nose, and inhaled a sweet odor of myrrh, which inspired the
workmen and bystanders with fresh confidence. When they had eagerly
opened the coffin, the remains of Eusebia were found, and near her
head was the prominent part of the tomb fashioned exactly in the form
of a chest, and was concealed within by its own cover; and the iron
which inclosed it on each side at the edges was firmly held together
by lead. In the middle, the same orifice again appeared, and still
more clearly revealed the fact of the relics being concealed within.
As soon as the discovery was announced, they ran to the church of the
martyr, and sent for smiths to unfasten the iron bars, and easily drew
off the lid. A great many perfumes were found thereunder, and among
the perfumes two silver caskets were found in which lay the holy
relics. Then the princess returned thanks to God for having accounted
her worthy of so great a manifestation and for attaining the discovery
of the holy relics. After this she honored the martyrs with the
costliest casket; and on the conclusion of a public festival which was
celebrated with befitting honor and with a procession to the
accompaniment of psalms, and at which I was present, the relics were
placed alongside of the godlike Thyrsus. And others who were present
can also bear testimony that these things were done in the way
described, for almost all of them still survive. And the event
occurred much later, when Proclus governed the church of
Constantinople.
Footnotes
[1623] This Chapter is independent.
[1624] Cf. Acta Sanct. Boll. under March 10, where the names acts,
orations of Basil, and Soz.'s story of the invention are given. Basil,
Oratio in laudem ss. Quadraginta Martyrum, vii. 749.
Chapter III.--The Virtues of Pulcheria; Her Sisters.
It is said that God frequently in many other cases revealed to the
princess what was about to happen, and that the most occurred to her
and her sisters as witnesses of the Divine love. [1625] They all
pursue the same mode of life; they are sedulous about the priests and
the houses of prayer, and are munificent to needy strangers and the
poor. These sisters generally take their meals and walks together, and
pass their days and their nights in company, singing the praises of
God. As is the custom with exemplary women, they employ themselves in
weaving and in similar occupations. Although princesses, born and
educated in palaces, they avoid levity and idleness, which they think
unworthy of any who profess virginity, so they put such indolence far
from their own life. For this reason the mercy of God is manifested
and is conquering in behalf of their house; for He increases the
emperor in years and government; every conspiracy and war concocted
against him has been overthrown of itself.
Footnotes
[1625] This Chapter is independent. For an opposite estimate, see
Eunap. Fragm. ii. 70, 71, and the allegations in Suidas, s.v.
Chapter IV.--Truce with Persia. Honorius and Stilicho. Transactions in
Rome and Dalmatia.
Although the Persians had prepared to take up arms, they were induced
to conclude a truce with the Romans for a hundred years. [1626]
Stilicho, the general of the troops of Honorius, was suspected of
having conspired to proclaim his son Eucherius emperor of the East,
and was, in consequence, slain by the army at Ravenna. He had, at a
former period, while Arcadius was still living, conceived bitter
feelings of enmity against his officers, and was hence impelled to
bring the two empires into collision. He caused Alaric, the leader of
the Goths, to secure the office of general of the Romans, and advised
him to seize Illyria; and, having sent forward Jovian, the appointed
prefect, he agreed to join him shortly with Roman troops, and to
reduce its subjects under the rule of Honorius. Alaric quitted the
barbarous region bordering on Dalmatia and Pannonia, where he had been
dwelling, and marched at the head of his soldiery to Epirus; after
remaining for some time in that country, he retreated to Italy,
without having accomplished anything. For he was about to migrate
according to the agreement, but he was restrained by the letters of
Honorius. After the death of Arcadius, Honorius projected a journey to
Constantinople, in behalf of his nephew, to appoint officers faithful
to his security and empire; for he held his nephew in the place of his
son, and he was fearful lest the boy might suffer on account of his
youth, since he would be exposed to plots; but when Honorius was on
the very point of setting out on this journey, Stilicho dissuaded him
from his design, by proving to him that his presence was requisite in
Italy, to repress the schemes of Constantine, who sought to possess
himself of the sovereign power at Arles. Stilicho then took that one
of the sceptres which the Romans call Labarum, obtained some letters
from the emperor, with which he set out, at the head of four legions,
to carry on war in the East; but a report having been spread that he
had conspired against the emperor, and had formed a scheme, in
conjunction with those in power, to raise his son to the throne, the
troops rose up in sedition, and slew the prætorian prefect [1627] of
Italy and of Gaul, the military commanders, and the chief officers of
the court. Stilicho himself was slain by the soldiers at Ravenna. He
had attained almost absolute power; and all men, so to speak, whether
Romans or barbarians, were under his control. Thus perished Stilicho,
on a suspicion of having conspired against the emperors. Eucherius,
his son, was also slain.
Footnotes
[1626] Independent; cf. Poems of Claudianus, as above; Olymp. Fragm.
2-11; Zos. v. 4-38; Philost. xii. 1-3.
[1627] His name was Longinianus. Zos. v. 32.
Chapter V.--The Different Nations took up Arms against the Romans, of
whom some were, through the Providence of God defeated, and others
brought to Terms of Amity.
It happened about the same time that the Huns, who were encamped in
Thrace, retreated disgracefully and cast off many of their number
although they had neither been attacked nor pursued. [1628] Uldis, the
leader of the barbarous tribes who dwell near the Ister, crossed that
river at the head of a large army, and encamped on the frontiers of
Thrace. He took possession by treachery of a city of Moesia, called
Castra Martis, and thence made incursions into the rest of Thrace, and
insolently refused to enter into terms of alliance with the Romans.
The prefect of the Thracian soldiers made propositions of peace to
him, but he replied by pointing to the sun, and declaring that it
would be easy to him, if he desired to do so, to subjugate every
region of the earth that is enlightened by that luminary. But while
Uldis was uttering menaces of this description, and was ordering as
large a tribute as he pleased, and that on this condition peace could
be established with the Romans or the war would continue,--when
affairs were so helpless, God gave manifest proofs of special favor
towards the present reign; for, shortly afterwards, the immediate
attendants and the leaders of the tribes of Uldis were discussing the
Roman form of government, the philanthropy of the emperor, and his
promptitude and liberality in rewarding the best and good men. It was
not without God that they turned to the love of the points so
discussed and seceded to the Romans, to whose camp they joined
themselves, together with the troops ranged under themselves. Finding
himself thus abandoned, Uldis escaped with difficulty to the opposite
bank of the river. Many of his troops were slain; and among others the
whole of the barbarous tribe called the Sciri. This tribe had been
very strong in point of numbers before falling into this misfortune.
Some of them were killed; and others were taken prisoners, and
conveyed in chains to Constantinople. The governors were of opinion
that, if allowed to remain together, they would probably make a
revolution. Some of them were, therefore, sold at a low price; while
others were given away as slaves for presents, upon condition that
they should never be permitted to return to Constantinople, or to
Europe, but be separated by the sea from the places familiar to them.
Of these, a number was left unsold; and they were ordered to settle in
different places. I have seen many in Bithynia, near Mount Olympus,
living apart from one another, and cultivating the hills and valleys
of that region.
Footnotes
[1628] Independent Chapter; cf. Zos. v. 22.
Chapter VI.--Alaric the Goth. He assaulted Rome, and straitened it by
War.
Thus was the Eastern Empire preserved from the evils of war, [1629]
and governed with high order, contrary to all expectations, for its
ruler was still young. In the meantime, the Western Empire fell a prey
to disorders, because many tyrants arose. After the death of Stilicho,
Alaric, the leader of the Goths, sent an embassy to Honorius to treat
of peace; but without avail. He advanced to Rome, and laid siege to
it; and by posting a large army of barbarians on the banks of the
Tiber, he effectually prevented the transmission of all provisions
into the city from Portus. After the siege had lasted some time, and
fearful ravages had been made in the city by famine and pestilence,
many of the slaves, and most of the barbarians by race within the
walls, deserted to Alaric. Those among the senators who still adhered
to pagan superstition, proposed to offer sacrifices in the Capitol and
the other temples; and certain Tuscans, who were summoned by the
prefect of the city, promised to drive out the barbarians with thunder
and lightning; they boasted of having performed a similar exploit at
Larnia, a city of Tuscany, which Alaric had passed by for Rome, and
had not taken. The event, however, proved that no advantage could be
derived from these persons for the city. All persons of good sense
were aware that the calamities which this siege entailed upon the
Romans were indications of Divine wrath sent to chastise them for
their luxury, their debauchery, and their manifold acts of injustice
towards each other, as well as towards strangers. It is said that,
when Alaric was marching against Rome, a good monk of Italy besought
him to spare the city, and not to become the author of so many
calamities. Alaric, in reply, assured him that he did not feel
disposed to commence the siege, but that some resistless influence
compelled and commanded him to go against Rome; and this he eventually
did. While he was besieging the city, the inhabitants presented many
gifts to him, and for some time he raised the siege, when the Romans
agreed to persuade the emperor to enter into a treaty of peace with
him.
Footnotes
[1629] Independent; cf. Olymp. Fragm. 3-10; Zos. v. 37-40; Soc. vii.
10.
Chapter VII.--Innocent the Bishop of the Presbytery of Rome. He sent
an Embassy to Alaric. Jovius, Prefect of Italy. Embassy dispatched to
the Emperor. Events concerning Alaric.
Although ambassadors were dispatched to treat of peace, [1630] the
enemies of Alaric at the court of the emperor sedulously guarded
against the conclusion of any treaty with him. But after this, when an
embassy had been sent to him by Innocent, bishop of Rome, and Alaric
was summoned by a letter of the emperor, he repaired to the city of
Ariminum, which is two hundred and ten stadia distant from Ravenna.
He encamped beyond the walls of the city; and Jovius, the prefect of
Italy, held a conference with him and conveyed his demands to the
emperor, one of which was, that he might be appointed by an edict to
the generalship of the cavalry and infantry. The emperor gave full
power to Jovius to grant Alaric as much money and provision as he
might desire, but refused ever to confer this dignity upon him. Jovius
unadvisedly awaited the messenger from the palace, in the camp of
Alaric; and commanded the decision of the emperor to be read in the
presence of all the barbarians. On finding that the dignity was denied
him, Alaric was enraged at the result, ordered the trumpets to be
sounded, and marched towards Rome. Jovius, apprehensive of being
suspected by the emperor of siding with Alaric, committed a still
greater act of imprudence by taking an oath on the safety of the
emperor, and compelling the principal officers to swear that they
would never consent to any terms of peace with Alaric. The barbarian
chief, however, soon after changed his mind, and sent word he did not
desire any post of dignity, but was willing to act as an ally of the
Romans, provided that they would grant him a certain quantity of corn,
and some territory of secondary importance to them, in which he might
establish himself.
Footnotes
[1630] Independent Chapter; cf. Olymp. Fragm. 3; Zos. v. 41-51.
Chapter VIII.--Rebellion of Attalus and his General Heraclean; and how
he eventually craved Forgiveness at the Feet of Honorius.
After having sent some bishops as ambassadors, on two different
occasions, to treat on this subject, but without effect, Alaric
returned to Rome, and besieged the city; he took possession of one
part of Portus, and compelled the Romans to recognize Attalus, then
prefect of the city, as their king. [1631] When the Romans had been
nominated for the other offices, Alaric was appointed general of the
cavalry and infantry, and Ataulphus, the brother of his wife, was
raised to the command of the force called the domestic cavalry.
Attalus assembled the senators, and addressed them in a long and very
elaborate discourse, in which he promised to restore the ancient
customs of the senate, and also to bring Egypt and the other Eastern
provinces under the sway of Italy. Such was the boastfulness of a man,
who was not destined to bear the name of sovereign during the space of
a single year. He was deceived by the representations of some
diviners, who assured him that he would be able to conquer Africa
without a battle; he disobeyed Alaric, who urged him to send a
moderate force to Carthage, to slay the officers of Honorius, in case
of their attempting any resistance. He also refused to follow the
counsels of John, to whom he had given the command of the royal
cohorts about his own person, and who advised him to entrust Constans,
on his proposed departure for Libya, with a document which they call
edict, as though sent by Honorius, by which Heraclean might be
dispossessed of office; he had been entrusted with the rule of the
soldiers in Africa. Had this artifice been adopted, it would probably
have proved successful, for the designs of Attalus were unknown in
Libya. But as soon as Constans had set sail for Carthage, according to
the advice of the diviners, Attalus was so weak in mind that he did
not think it doubtful, but believed that the Africans would be his
subjects, according to the prediction of the diviners, and marched at
the head of his army towards Ravenna. When it was announced that
Attalus had reached Ariminum, with an army composed partly of Roman
and partly of barbarian troops, Honorius wrote to him to acknowledge
him as emperor, and deputed the highest officers of his court to wait
upon him, and offer him a share in the empire. Attalus, however,
refused to share power with another, and sent word that Honorius might
choose an island or any spot of ground that he pleased for his private
residence, and that he would be allowed every imperial service. The
affairs of Honorius were reduced to so critical a condition, that
ships were kept in readiness to convey him, if it were necessary, to
his nephew, when an army of four thousand men which had started from
the west arrived unexpectedly during the night at Ravenna; Honorius
caused the walls of the city to be guarded by this reinforcement, for
he distrusted the native troops as inclined to treachery.
In the meantime Heraclean had put Constans to death, and had ranged
troops along the ports and coasts of Africa to hinder the merchant
vessels from going to Rome. When, as a consequence, a famine seized
the Romans, they sent a deputation to Attalus about it. Being at a
loss what measures to adopt, he returned to Rome to consult the
senate. The famine was so grievous that chestnuts were used by the
people to supply the place of corn, and some persons were suspected of
having partaken of human flesh. Alaric advised that five hundred
barbarians should be sent into Africa against Heraclean, but the
senators and Attalus objected that Africa ought not to be entrusted to
barbarians. It then became evident to Alaric that God disapproved of
the rule of Attalus; and finding that it would be futile to labor for
a matter which was beyond his power, and after receiving certain
pledges, he agreed with Honorius to deprive Attalus of his
sovereignty. All the parties concerned assembled together without the
walls of the city, and Attalus threw aside the symbols of imperial
power. His officers also threw aside their girdles, and Honorius
granted pardon to all for these occurrences, and each was to hold the
honor and office which he had first had. Attalus retired with his son
to Alaric, for he thought his life would not be in safety as yet, if
he continued to dwell among the Romans.
Footnotes
[1631] Independent Chapter; cf. Olymp. Fragm. 3. 13; Zos. vi. 6-13;
Soc. vii. 10; Philost. xii. 3.
Chapter IX.--The Disturbance which the Greeks and Christians had about
Attalus. The Courageous Saros; Alaric, by a Stratagem, obtains
Possession of Rome, and protected the Sacred Asylum of the Apostle
Peter.
The failure which had attended the designs of Attalus was a source of
deep displeasure the pagans and Christians of the Arian heresy. [1632]
The pagans had inferred from the known predilections and early
education of Attalus, that he would openly maintain their
superstitions, and restore their ancient temples, their festivals, and
their altars. The Arians imagined that, as soon as he found his reign
firmly established, Attalus would reinstate them in the supremacy over
the churches which they had enjoyed during the reigns of Constantius
and of Valens; for he had been baptized by Sigesarius, [1633] bishop
of the Goths, to the great satisfaction of Alaric and the Arian party.
Soon after, Alaric stationed himself among the Alps, at a distance of
about sixty stadia from Ravenna, and held a conference with the
emperor concerning the conclusion of a peace. Saros, a barbarian by
birth, and highly practiced in the art of war, had only about three
hundred men with him, but all well disposed and most efficient. He was
suspicious of Alaric on account of their former enmity, and reasoned
that a treaty between the Romans and Goths would be of no advantage to
him. Suddenly advancing with his own troops, he slew some of the
barbarians. Impelled by rage and terror at this incident, Alaric
retraced his steps, and returned to Rome, and took it by treachery. He
permitted each of his followers to seize as much of the wealth of the
Romans as he was able, and to plunder all the houses; but from respect
towards the Apostle Peter, he commanded that the large and very
spacious church erected around his tomb should be an asylum. This was
the only cause which prevented the entire demolition of Rome; and
those who were there saved, and they were many, rebuilt the city.
Footnotes
[1632] Independent Chapter. Soc. vii. 10; Philost. xii. 3; Oros. vii.
39.
[1633] He is called Sigesarus by Olympiodorus, Fragm. 26, who speaks
of him as having endeavored in vain to rescue the sons of Ataulph, the
king of the Goths, from death.
Chapter X.--A Roman Lady who manifested a Deed of Modesty.
It is obvious that the capture of so great a city as Rome must have
been attended with many remarkable circumstances. I shall, therefore,
now proceed to the narration of such events as seem worthy of a place
in ecclesiastical history. [1634] I shall recount a pious action
performed by a barbarian, and record the bravery of a Roman lady for
the preservation of her chastity. The barbarian and the lady were both
Christians, but not of the same heresy, the former being an Arian, and
the latter a zealous follower of the Nicene doctrines. A young man of
Alaric's soldiers saw this very beautiful woman, and was conquered by
her loveliness, and tried to drag her into intercourse; but she drew
back, and exerted herself that she might not suffer pollution. He drew
his sword, and threatened to slay her; but he was restrained by the
passion which he entertained toward her, and merely inflicted a slight
wound on her neck. The blood flowed in abundance, and she offered her
neck to the sword; for she preferred to die in her chastity than to
survive, after having consorted lawfully with a husband, and then to
be attempted by another man. When the barbarian repeated his purpose,
and followed it with more fearful threats, he accomplished nothing
further; struck with wonder at her chastity, he conducted her to the
church of Peter the apostle, and gave six pieces of gold for her
support to the officers who were guarding the church, and commanded
them to keep her for her husband.
Footnotes
[1634] Independent narrative. Oros. vii. 39.
Chapter XI.--The Tyrants who in the West at that Time rebelled against
Honorius. They are wholly destroyed on account of the Emperor's Love
of God.
During this period many tyrants rebelled against Honorius in the
Western government. Some fell upon one another, while others were
apprehended in a marvelous way, and so evidenced that the Divine love
toward Honorius was not common. The soldiers in Britain [1635] were
the first to rise up in sedition, and they proclaimed Mark as tyrant.
Afterwards, however, they slew Mark, and proclaimed Gratian. Within
four months subsequently they killed Gratian, and elected Constantine
in his place, imagining that, on account of his name, he would be able
to reduce the empire firmly under his authority; and for no other
reason than this, several other persons of the same name were elected
to the tyranny. Constantine passed over from Britain to Bononia, a
maritime city of Gaul; and after inducing all the troops in Gaul and
Aquitania to espouse his cause, he reduced to obedience the
inhabitants of the regions extending to the mountains which divide
Italy from Gaul, and which the Romans have named the Cottian Alps. He
then sent his oldest son, Constans, whom he had already nominated
Cæsar, and whom he afterwards proclaimed emperor, into Spain.
Constans, after making himself master of this province, and appointing
his own governors over it, commanded that Didymus and Verinian,
relatives of Honorius, should be loaded with chains, and brought
before him. Didymus and Verinian had at first differed among
themselves, but a reconciliation was effected between them, when they
found themselves menaced by the same danger. They combined their
forces, which consisted chiefly of armed peasants and slaves. They
attacked Lusitania in common, and slew many of the soldiers sent by
the tyrant for their capture.
Footnotes
[1635] Independent Chapter. Olymp. Fragm. 12; Zos. vi. 1-5; Oros. vii.
39.
Chapter XII.--Theodosiolus and Lagodius. The Races of the Vandals and
Suevi. Death of Alaric. Flight of the Tyrants Constantine and
Constans.
The troops of Constans were shortly afterwards strengthened by
reinforcements, and Didymus and Verinian, with their wives, were taken
prisoners, and were eventually put to death. [1636] Their brothers,
Theodosiolus and Lagodius, who were living in other provinces, fled
the country; the former escaped to Italy, to the Emperor Honorius; the
latter fled to the East, to Theodosius. After these transactions,
Constans returned to his father, after he had posted a guard of his
own soldiers for the road to Spain; for he did not permit the
Spaniards to act as guard, according to the ancient custom, a
privilege for which they had petitioned. This precaution was probably
afterwards the cause of the ruin of the country; for when Constantine
was deprived of his power, the barbarous races of the Vandals, Suevi,
and Alani took confidence and conquered the road, and took possession
of many forts and cities in Spain and Gaul, and arrested the officers
of the tyrant.
In the meantime, Constantine, who still thought that matters would go
according to his purpose, caused his son to be proclaimed emperor
instead of Cæsar, and determined to possess himself of Italy. With
this view, he crossed the Cottian Alps, and entered Liverona, a city
of Liguria. He was on the point of crossing the Po, when he was
compelled to retrace his steps, upon being informed of the death of
Alavicus. This Alavicus was the commander of the troops of Honorius,
and being suspected of conspiring to place the entire Western
government under the domination of Constantine, he was slain when
returning from a procession, in which, according to custom, it was his
office to march in advance of the emperor. Immediately after this
occurrence, the emperor descended from horseback, and publicly
returned thanks to God for having delivered him from one who had
openly conspired against him. Constantine fled and seized Arles, and
Constans, his son, hastened from Spain, and sought refuge in the same
city.
On the decline of the power of Constantine, the Vandals, Suevi, and
Alani eagerly took the Pyrenees when they heard that it was a
prosperous and most abundant region. And since those who had been
entrusted by Constans with the guard of the passage had neglected
their duty, the invaders passed by into Spain.
Footnotes
[1636] Independent Chapter. Olymp. Fragm. 10, 15, 29, 30; Zos. vi. 4;
Oros. vii. 40-42.
Chapter XIII.--Concerning Gerontius, Maximus, and the Troops of
Honorius. Capture of Gerontius and his Wife; their Death.
Meanwhile Gerontius, from being the most efficient of the generals of
Constantine, became his enemy; [1637] and believing that Maximus, his
intimate friend, was well qualified for the tyranny, he invested him
with the imperial robe, and permitted him to reside in Tarracona.
Gerontius then marched against Constantine, and took care to put
Constans, the son of Constantine, to death at Vienna.
As soon as Constantine heard of the usurpation of Maximus, he sent one
of his generals, named Edovicus, beyond the Rhine, to levy an army of
Franks and Alemanni; and he sent his son Constans to guard Vienna and
the neighboring towns. Gerontius then advanced upon Arles and laid
siege to it; but directly, when the army of Honorius had come to hand
against the tyrant, under the command of Constantius, the father of
that Valentinian who subsequently became emperor of Rome, Gerontius
retreated precipitately with a few soldiers; for the greater number of
his troops deserted to the army of Constantius. The Spanish soldiery
conceived an utter contempt for Gerontius, on account of his retreat,
and took counsel how to slay him. They gathered in close ranks and
attacked his house at night; but he, with one Alanus, his friend, and
a few servants, ascended to the top of the house, and did such
execution with their arrows that no less than three hundred of the
soldiers fell. When the stock of arrows was exhausted, the servants
made their escape by letting themselves down secretly from the
building; and Gerontius, although he might have been saved in a
similar fashion, did not choose to do so, because he was restrained by
his affection for Nonnichia, his wife. At daybreak of the next day,
the soldiers cast fire into the house; when he saw that there was no
hope of safety left, he cut off the head of his companion, Alanus, in
compliance with his wish. After this, his own wife was lamenting, and
with tears was pressing herself with the sword, pleading to die by the
hand of her husband before she should be subjected to others, and was
supplicating for this last gift from him. And this woman by her
courage showed herself worthy of her religion, for she was a
Christian, and she died thus mercifully; she handed down to time a
record of herself, too strong for oblivion. Gerontius then struck
himself thrice with his sword; but perceiving that he had not received
a mortal wound, he drew forth his poniard, which he wore at his side,
and plunged it into his heart.
Footnotes
[1637] Independent Chapter. Cf. Olymp. Fragm. 16; Zos. vi. 5; Oros.
vii. 42.
Chapter XIV.--Constantine. The Army of Honorius and Edovicus his
General. Defeat of Edovicus by Ulphilas, the General of Constantine.
Death of Edovicus.
Although the city of Arles was closely besieged by the army of
Honorius, Constantine still resisted the siege, because Edovicus was
announced as at hand with many allies. [1638] This frightened the
generals of Honorius beyond measure. Then they determined to return to
Italy, and to carry on the war there. When they had united on this
plan, Edovicus was announced as in the neighborhood, so they crossed
the river Rhone. Constantius, who commanded the infantry, quietly
awaited the approach of the enemy, while Ulphilas, the fellow-general
of Constantius, remained not far off in ambush with his cavalry. The
enemy passed by the army of Ulphilas, and were about to engage with
the troops of Constantius, when a signal was given, and Ulphilas
suddenly appeared and assaulted the enemy from the rear. Their flight
was immediate. Some escaped, some were slain, while others threw down
their arms and asked for pardon, and were spared. Edovicus mounted his
horse and fled to the lands of one Ecdicius, a landed proprietor, to
whom he had formerly rendered some important service, and whom he
therefore imagined to be his friend. Ecdicius, however, struck off his
head, and presented it to the generals of Honorius, in hope of
receiving some great reward and honor. Constantius, on receiving the
head, proclaimed that the public thanks were due to Ecdicius for the
deed of Ulphilas; but when Ecdicius was eager to accompany him he
commanded him to depart, for he did not consider the companionship of
a malicious host to be good for himself or the army. And the man who
had dared to commit the most unholy murder of a friend and a guest who
was in an unfortunate situation,--this man went away, as the proverb
says, gaping with emptiness.
Footnotes
[1638] Independent Chapter. Cf. Olymp. Fragm. 16.
Chapter XV.--Constantine throws aside the Emblems of Imperial Power,
and is ordained as Presbyter; his Subsequent Death. Death of the other
Tyrants who had conspired against Honorius.
After this victory the troops of Honorius again laid siege to the
city. [1639] When Constantine heard of the death of Edovicus he cast
aside his purple robe and imperial ornaments, and repaired to the
church, where he caused himself to be ordained as presbyter. Those
within the walls, having first received oaths, opened the gates, and
their lives were spared. From that period the whole province returned
to its allegiance to Honorius, and has since been obedient to the
rulers of his appointment. Constantine, with his son Julian, was sent
into Italy, but he was waylaid and killed. Not long afterwards
Jovianus and Maximus, the tyrants above mentioned, Saros, and many
others who had conspired against Honorius, were unexpectedly slain.
Footnotes
[1639] Independent Chapter. Cf. Philost. xii. 6; Olymp. Fragm. 17-19.
Chapter XVI.--Honorius the Ruler, a Lover of God. Death of Honorius.
His Successors, Valentinian, and Honoria his Daughter; the Peace which
was then Worldwide.
This is not the proper place to enter into the details concerning the
deaths of the tyrants; [1640] but I considered it necessary to allude
to the circumstance in order to show that to insure the stability of
imperial power, it is sufficient for an emperor to serve God with
reverence, which was the course pursued by Honorius. Galla Placidia,
his sister, born of the same father as himself, dwelt with him, and
likewise distinguished herself by real zeal in the maintenance of
religion and of the churches. After Constantius, who was a brave and
able general, had destroyed the tyrant Constantine, the emperor
rewarded him by giving him his sister in marriage; he also bestowed
upon him the ermine and purple, and admitted him to a share in the
government. Constantius did not long survive the promotion; he died
soon after, and left two children, Valentinian, who succeeded
Honorius, and Honoria. Meanwhile the Eastern Empire was free from
wars, and contrary to all opinion, its affairs were conducted with
great order, for the ruler was still a youth. It seems as if God
openly manifested His favor towards the present emperor, not only by
disposing of warlike affairs in an unexpected way, but also by
revealing the sacred bodies of many persons who were of old most
distinguished for piety; among other relics, those of Zechariah, the
very ancient prophet, and of Stephen, who was ordained deacon by the
apostles, were discovered; and it seems incumbent upon me to describe
the mode, since the discovery of each was marvelous and divine. [1641]
Footnotes
[1640] Independent Chapter. Cf. Philost. xii. 4-13; Olymp. Fragm. 34,
39, 40.
[1641] He recounts the discovery of Zechariah only, while all the
language here, and that of the beginning of the next Chapter,
indicates his intention to describe both. Could the work then have
been concluded?
Chapter XVII.--Discovery of the Relics of Zechariah the Prophet, and
of Stephen the Proto-Martyr.
I shall first speak of the relics of the prophet. [1642]
Caphar-Zechariah is a village of the territory of Eleutheropolis, a
city of Palestine. The land of this district was cultivated by
Calemerus, a serf; he was well disposed to the owner, but hard,
discontented, and unjust towards his neighboring peasants. Although he
possessed these defects of character, the prophet stood by him in a
dream, and manifested himself; pointing out a particular garden, he
said to him, "Go, dig in that garden at the distance of two cubits
from the hedge of the garden by the road leading to the city of
Bitheribis. You will there find two coffins, the inner one of wood,
the other of lead. Beside the coffins you will see a glass vessel full
of water, and two serpents of moderate size, but tame, and perfectly
innoxious, so that they seem to be used to being handled." Calemerus
followed the directions of the prophet at the designated place and
zealously applied himself to the task. When the sacred depository was
disclosed by the afore-mentioned signs, the divine prophet appeared to
him, clad in a white stole, which makes me think that he was a priest.
At his feet outside of the coffin was lying a child which had been
honored with a royal burial; for on its head was a golden crown, its
feet were encased in golden sandals, and it was arrayed in a costly
robe. The wise men and priests of the time were greatly perplexed
about this child, who and whence he might be and for what reason he
had been so clothed. It is said that Zechariah, the superior of a
monastic community at Gerari, found an ancient document written in
Hebrew, which had not been received among the canonical books. In this
document it was stated that when Zechariah the prophet had been put to
death by Joash, king of Judah, the family of the monarch was soon
visited by a dire calamity; for on the seventh day after the death of
the prophet, one of the sons of Joash, whom he tenderly loved,
suddenly expired. Judging that this affliction was a special
manifestation of Divine wrath, the king ordered his son to be interred
at the feet of the prophet, as a kind of atonement for the crime
against him. Such are the particulars which I have ascertained on the
subject.
Although the prophet had lain under the earth for so many generations,
he appeared sound; his hair was closely shorn, his nose was straight;
his beard moderately grown, his head quite short, his eyes rather
sunken, and concealed by the eyebrows.
Footnotes
[1642] An independent Chapter, built on local story.
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